Defence against the Arians

I had supposed that after so many proofs given on our behalf our enemies would at last hide themselves away, and would rather condemn themselves on account of these for the false charges they had brought against others as well. But since, even when condemned, they do not blush, but in their insensibility creep about with their slanders, thinking that everything can be tried over again—not in order to be judged (for they run from that), but to trouble us and the souls of the simple—I thought it necessary to make my defense to you, so that you may no longer put up with their murmuring, but may condemn their wickedness and false accusation. To you, who are sincere, I make my defense; but toward the contentious I speak boldly, with the proofs against them. For our case no longer needs a trial: it has been judged not once, nor twice, but many times. First, in our own country, at a synod of nearly a hundred bishops; second, at Rome, when Eusebius wrote and both they and we were summoned, and bishops assembled, there too more than fifty; and third, at the great synod assembled at Sardica by order of the most God-loving emperors Constantius and Constans, at which those who had acted against us were deposed as false accusers, while more than three hundred bishops voted for the judgment given in our favor, from the provinces of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, Palestine, Arabia, Isauria, Cyprus, Pamphylia, Lycia, Galatia, Dacia, Moesia, Thrace, Dardania, Macedonia, Epirus, Thessaly, Achaia, Crete, Dalmatia, Siscia, Pannonia, Noricum, Italy, Picenum, Tuscia, Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Bruttium, Sicily, the whole of Africa, Sardinia, the Spains, the Gauls, and the Britains. To these were added the testimony of Ursacius and Valens, who formerly slandered us but afterwards changed their minds: for they not only accepted the judgment given in our favor, but confessed that both they themselves and the others who had acted against us were false accusers. Men who changed their minds and wrote in this way plainly convict Eusebius and his party as well, for it was together with them that they contrived the plot against us. Anyone at all, then, would admit that what has been examined and judged by so many and such great bishops, and clearly proved, it is superfluous to examine again; otherwise, if it were examined now, it would be reopened again and examined yet again, and so the meddling of busybodies would go on without end.

The vote of so many bishops was indeed enough to shame those who would still pretend to act against us. But when even enemies bear witness for us and against themselves, saying that the proceedings against us were a plot, who that still doubts is not ashamed? For the law commands that judgments stand on the mouth of two or three witnesses; and see, here is so great a multitude of witnesses for us, with the proof supplied by our enemies besides, so that those who are left no longer rely on the judgments they gave as they pleased, but now resort to force, and instead of reasonable arguments wrong those who convict them. For this grieves them most: what they did and hid, and arranged among themselves in a corner, Valens and Ursacius have brought out and disclosed; and they know well that the repentance of these men condemns them and justifies those whom they wronged. It was for this reason, indeed, that they were deposed at the synod of Sardica, as I said before, and rightly. For in the same way the Pharisees of that day, by speaking in Paul’s defense, exposed the conspiracy that they and the Jews had formed against him; in the same way the blessed David was shown to have been persecuted without cause when his persecutor confessed, saying, “I have sinned, my son David.” So these men too, overcome by the truth, made their request, put it in writing, and presented it to Julius, bishop of Rome. They also wrote to us, asking to be at peace with us—they who had spread so many tales!—and perhaps even now they blush, seeing alive by the grace of the Lord those whom they sought to destroy. They also anathematized Arius and his heresy, and in this they were consistent: knowing that Eusebius and his party had plotted against us for no other reason than their own impiety, once they had decided to confess the false accusation against us, they at once renounced also the Christ-fighting heresy for whose sake they had feigned the charges against us. Now the letters written in our favor by the bishops at various synods—first that of the Egyptians—are as follows. “The holy synod assembled at Alexandria from Egypt, the Thebaid, Libya, and Pentapolis, to the bishops of the catholic Church everywhere, beloved and most longed-for brothers in the Lord, greeting.

We could, beloved brothers, have made a defense at the very beginning, as soon as the plot was laid against our fellow minister Athanasius, or at least after his entry into Alexandria, against what Eusebius and his party contrived against him; we could have complained of what he suffered at their hands and exposed all the false charges made against him. But at that time circumstances did not permit it, as you also know; and afterwards we thought that, once Bishop Athanasius had returned, they would be put to shame and blush at wrongs of theirs so manifest, and for this reason we persuaded ourselves to keep silent. But since, after the man has suffered so much—after his journey to the Gauls, after his sojourn in a foreign land, and that very far away, instead of his own, after he came near to death through their slanders, had he not found a humane emperor, things with which even the cruelest enemy would have glutted his anger—they do not blush, but again behave insolently against the Church and the man, and, vexed at his release, venture on a second and worse attempt; since they accuse lightly and do not fear what is written in the holy Scriptures, “A false witness shall not go unpunished,” and, “The mouth that lies slays the soul”: for this reason we can keep silent no longer, but we marvel at their wickedness and their insatiable zeal for plots. For see, they do not cease again to stir the emperors’ ears against us; they do not cease writing letters of destruction for the ruin of a bishop who is the enemy of their impiety. Again they have written to the emperors against him; again they wish to plot against him, charging slaughters that did not take place; again they wish to murder him, charging murders that did not take place. For they would have murdered him then by their slanders, had we not found a humane emperor. Again—to put it at the least—they press for him to be sent into exile, while pretending to lament the misfortunes of exiles as though he had caused them. They lament before us things that did not happen, and are not content with what was done against him, but wish to fasten upon him second and worse things: so gentle and humane are they, so reasonable in character! Or rather (for the truth shall be told), wicked and bitter, and honored for the fear and threats they inspire rather than for the piety and reasonableness that befit bishops. For words such as not even a busybody among those outside would utter they have dared to pour out in what they wrote to the emperors. And they have charged so many murders and slaughters, not before a governor, nor before any other higher official, but before the three Augusti, not shrinking even from the length of the journeys, if only all the greater courts might be filled with their accusation. For what they have done is truly an accusation, beloved, and the highest accusation of all, since the courts before which it is brought are the highest of all human courts. For what other end can an inquiry into such matters have than death inflicted at the emperor’s instigation?

So it is not what Athanasius has done, but what they are doing, that deserves lament and wailing; it is they whom one might more justly lament. For over such things one ought to mourn, as it is also written: “Weep not for the dead, nor lament him; weep bitterly for him who goes away, for he shall return no more.” For their whole letter looks to nothing but death; they attempt to murder, if they are permitted, and to make men exiles. They were permitted before, when the most God-loving father of the emperors satisfied their anger by a change of place instead of death. That these are not the deeds even of ordinary Christians, and seldom even of pagans, let alone of bishops, who are supposed to teach others what is just, your conscience in Christ perceives, we believe. For how can those who forbid others to accuse become accusers themselves, even before emperors? How can those who teach compassion for misfortunes not keep quiet even after our exile? For the exile was, admittedly, shared by us bishops: we all counted ourselves exiles, and now, as though we had been restored with Athanasius to our homelands, we have received again, instead of our former lamentations and wailing over him, the greatest gladness and grace—which may the Lord preserve, and not permit Eusebius and his party to overturn. Even if the charges they made against him were true, these would be charges against them: that contrary to the precept of Christianity, after the exile that came with that trial, they attack again, accusing him of murders and slaughters and other crimes, and din these into the emperors’ ears against the bishops. But when they lie in everything and make false accusations in everything, and there is no truth in their mouths or in their letters, how manifold is the evil in them! Or what kind of men do you take them to be? Let us now therefore come to the facts themselves and to their accusations, so that what they bandied about formerly at the synod and the trial as well done—or rather, as not even truly said—may be refuted, and they may again be known for what they are.

We are ashamed to make a defense on such matters; but since these rash accusers bring themselves to anything, and allege that murders and slaughters took place after Athanasius’s entry, we beg you to bear with a defense at some length, for the facts compel it. No murder was committed by Athanasius or on his account—since, as we said, the accusers force us even into this inglorious defense. Slaughters and imprisonments are foreign to our Church. Athanasius has handed no one over to the executioner, and the prison, so far as he is concerned, has never been troubled by him. Our sanctuaries are pure, now as always, honored only by the blood of Christ and by piety toward him. No presbyter, no deacon was put to death by Athanasius; the man committed no murder and caused no exile. Would that they had not done this to him in fact, inflicting it on him! For no one here has been made an exile on his account, except Athanasius himself, the bishop of Alexandria, exiled by them; and now that he has been released, they seek to involve him again in the same or worse things, whetting their tongue for every false and deadly word. For see, they now transfer to him even the acts of the magistrates; and while in their letter they openly admit that the prefect of Egypt gave sentence against certain persons, they are not ashamed to fasten these sentences too on Athanasius—and that when he had not yet set foot in Alexandria, but was still on the road from exile, in Syria. As though one even had to plead a long journey in one’s defense, so that one might not be held answerable for whatever a governor or prefect of Egypt does! For even if he had been in Alexandria, what had the prefect’s acts to do with Athanasius? But he was not even present in the place; and what was done was done by the prefect of Egypt not on ecclesiastical grounds but for certain reasons which you will learn from the minutes, which, after learning what these men had written, we took the trouble to obtain and have sent to you. Since, then, they now cry out as having happened things that did not happen, either by him or on his account, and testify to such great evils as if fully assured of them, let them say from what synod they learned these things? From what proofs? From what trial? But if, having nothing of the kind, they simply affirm them, we leave it to you to consider how the earlier charges came about, or how they speak of them. For it is nothing but false accusation, a plot of enemies, anger with no restraint in its designs, and the impiety of the Ariomaniacs raging against piety, so that the orthodox may be put out of the way and the champions of impiety may thereafter preach freely whatever they wish. For so it is. [6] When the impious Arius, after whom the heresy of the Ariomaniacs is named, had been expelled from the Church by Bishop Alexander of blessed memory, Eusebius and his party, being disciples and partners of his impiety and considering themselves expelled too, wrote many letters urging Bishop Alexander not to leave the heretic Arius outside the Church. When Alexander, because of his piety toward Christ, would not receive the impious man, they were vexed with Athanasius, then a deacon; for, busying themselves with inquiries, they heard that he was much in the company of Bishop Alexander and was honored by him. And when they had had experience of his piety toward Christ at the synod held at Nicaea, where he spoke boldly against the impiety of the Ariomaniacs, their hatred grew all the more. And when God brought him to the episcopate, they rekindled the malice long nursed among them, and fearing his orthodoxy and his resistance to impiety—Eusebius above all, stung by his conscience over what he knows—they plotted and conspired against the man in every way. They stirred up the emperor against him, they often threatened synods, and at last they met at Tyre; and to this day they do not cease writing against him, and are so implacable that they even find fault with his appointment as bishop, everywhere showing themselves enemies and haters of the man and telling lies, if only they may disparage him by their falsehoods. But by the very lies they now tell they prove the earlier charges false and full of plotting. For they say that after the death of Bishop Alexander, when a few were mentioning Athanasius, … or seven bishops ordained him secretly in a hidden place. This they wrote even to the emperors, they who do not shrink from writing any falsehood. But the whole multitude and all the people of the catholic Church, gathered together as though with one soul and body, cried out and shouted, “Athanasius as bishop for the Church!” This they prayed for publicly to Christ, and they adjured us to do it, for very many days and nights, neither leaving the church themselves nor allowing us to leave it. Of this we are witnesses, and the whole city, and the province. They said nothing against him, as those men wrote, but called him every excellent thing: earnest, devout, a Christian, one of the ascetics, a true bishop. And that the greater part of us ordained him in the sight of all and amid the acclamations of all, we again, who ordained him, are witnesses more trustworthy than those who were absent and lie. Yet Eusebius finds fault with Athanasius’s appointment—a man who perhaps never had an appointment at all, or if he had one, annulled it himself. He was at Berytus at first; leaving Berytus, he came to Nicomedia, leaving the one against the law and entering the other against the law, deserting his own church without affection and holding another’s without reason, disregarding his love for the first out of desire for another’s, and not keeping even the second, which he had obtained through desire. For see, he has departed from there too and again holds another’s, everywhere eyeing other men’s cities, thinking that piety consists in wealth and in the size of cities, and counting as nothing the portion of God to which one has been appointed; not knowing that “where two or three are gathered together in the name of the Lord, there is the Lord in the midst of them”; not considering what the Apostle said, “I will not boast in other men’s labors”; not perceiving his precept, “Are you bound to a wife? Do not seek to be loosed.” And if the saying holds of a wife, how much more of a church and of one’s own see, to which whoever has been bound ought not to seek another, lest he be found an adulterer as well according to the divine Scriptures.

Yet, though conscious of such things in himself, he has dared to slander the appointment of Athanasius, which all attest as honorable; and he dares to reproach him with deposition, though he has been deposed himself and has as witness to his deposition the appointment made in his place. How then could either he or Theognis depose another, when they had been deposed themselves and were convicted by the appointments made in their place? For you know well that Amphion was appointed at Nicomedia and Chrestus at Nicaea in their place, because of their own impiety and their communion with the Ariomaniacs, who were rejected by the ecumenical synod. And wishing to annul that synod, which was a synod in truth, they attempt to call their own unjust faction a synod; not wishing the decisions of that synod to prevail, they wish their own to prevail; and they speak of a synod, though they do not obey so great a synod. Thus they do not care about a synod, but pretend to care, so that, having removed the orthodox, they may undo what the true and great synod decided against the Arians, whose leaders they have been always and are now; and they dare to lie against Bishop Athanasius. For those earlier lies are like the present ones: that at his entry there were riots, lamentations, and wailing, the people being displeased at receiving him. Nothing of the kind happened, but quite the opposite: joy and gladness, and the people running, hastening to the sight they had prayed for; the churches full of rejoicing, and thanksgivings offered up to the Lord everywhere. All the ministers and clergy so beheld him that their souls were gladdened and they believed that day the happiest of all. And what need is there to write of the inexpressible joy of us bishops? For we have already said that we counted ourselves to be suffering with him.

Since, then, these facts are admitted, while they put about the contrary, what credit has the synod or trial they bandy about? For men who dare to intrude in this way on matters they did not see, did not judge, and did not assemble for, and to write as though fully informed—how can they be believed about the matters for which they say they did assemble? Will it not be believed that they did both those things and these out of enmity? For what kind of synod of bishops was that? What council that held to the truth? Which of the majority of them was not our enemy? Was it not because of the madness of Arius that Eusebius and his party rushed upon us? Did they not bring in the others who thought as they did? Have we not always written against them as men who hold the views of Arius? Was not Eusebius of Caesarea in Palestine accused of sacrificing by the confessors who were with us? Was not George proved to have been deposed by the blessed Alexander? Were not others charged with other and various offenses? How then could such men want to sit in judgment on us? And how do they dare to call it a synod, at which a count presided, an executioner was present, and a jailer brought us in instead of the deacons of the church? He spoke, and those present kept silent, or rather obeyed the count; and any move by those who passed for bishops was blocked at his will. He gave orders, and we were led about by soldiers—or rather, Eusebius and his party gave the orders, and he served their designs. In short, beloved, what kind of synod is it whose end is exile and murder at the emperor’s pleasure? And what were the charges? For in these the wonder against them is greater still. There was a certain Arsenius, whom they complained had been murdered; and they slanderously alleged that a mystical cup had been broken. But Arsenius is alive and prays to be admitted to communion with us; and he does not wait for other testimonies to show that he is alive, but himself confesses that he lives, writing in his own letters to our fellow bishop Athanasius, whom they asserted to be his murderer. And the impious men were not ashamed to accuse him of having murdered a man who lived so far away, separated by a very long distance by sea and land, whose country at that time no one had even seen. They even dared to hide him and make him vanish, though he had suffered nothing; and had it been possible they would have removed him to another world, or rather would have taken him out of life in truth, so that, whether by proving the murder or by inventing it, they might truly kill Athanasius. But thanks be to divine providence in this too, which permits nothing unjust to prevail, but brought Arsenius alive before the eyes of all, openly refuting the plot and false accusation of that time. For he does not turn away from us as murderers nor hate us as having wronged him—he has suffered nothing at all—but asks to be in communion with us and wishes to be numbered with us, as his letter shows.

And yet Athanasius was plotted against by them as having murdered the living man, and was exiled by the same men. For it was not the father of the emperors who exiled him, but their slanders. Consider whether it is not so. When nothing was found against our fellow minister Athanasius, while the count used force and was very zealous against him, Bishop Athanasius, fleeing the violence that was done, went up to the most pious emperor, protesting against the count and against their plots, and asking that a lawful synod of bishops be convened, or that the emperor himself receive his defense against what they had brought against him. And the emperor wrote in indignation, summoning them, promising to hear the case himself and ordering the synod to be held. But Eusebius and his party went up and slandered Athanasius, no longer with what they had bandied about at Tyre, but about grain and the holding back of ships, alleging that Athanasius had boasted that he could stop the shipment of grain from Alexandria to Constantinople. Some of our number who were inside with Athanasius heard the emperor threatening. Then, when Athanasius lamented the slander and affirmed that it was not true—for how could a private and poor man do such things?—Eusebius, without even withdrawing the slander publicly, swore that Athanasius was rich and powerful and able to do anything, so that on this ground Athanasius might be thought to have said the other thing too. These were the charges of those venerable bishops; but the grace of God proved stronger than their wickedness. For it moved the piety of the emperor to clemency, and gave exile instead of death. So it was the slanders, and nothing else, that caused these things. For the emperor, writing before this, had censured the plot, blamed the conspiracy, and condemned the Meletians, calling them in writing lawless and deserving of curses, and saying the harshest things about them. For he had been moved on hearing that a man was dead who was among the living; he had been moved on hearing of a murder of a living man who had not been deprived of life. And we have sent you the letter.

But the admirable Eusebius and his party, in order to appear to undo both the truth and what had been written, put on the name of a synod and obtain from the emperor the means of carrying it out. Hence a count, and soldiers as bodyguards of the bishops, and imperial letters compelling those they wished to assemble. Here consider the strangeness of their plot and the inconsistency of what they dared, so that by any means and in every way they might snatch the man from us. For if they were entrusting the judgment to themselves alone, as bishops, what need was there of a count and soldiers? Or how was it that they assembled under imperial letters? But if they needed the emperor and wished to have their authority from him, why did they set aside his judgment? Or how, when he had judged in what he wrote that the Meletians were false accusers and lawless and Athanasius entirely innocent, and had spoken with indignation of the murder invented about a living man, did these men decide that the Meletians were telling the truth and that he was guilty? And without shame they made the living man dead—living after the emperor’s judgment, living when they assembled, and to this day with us. So much for Arsenius.

And the mystical cup—what cup, or where was it broken by Macarius? For this is what they go about bandying up and down. Yet not even the accusers dared to charge Athanasius, except as prompted by them; and still they bring the end of the complaint round to him—though it ought not to have touched even Macarius, since it was not proved. And they are not ashamed to make a tragedy of the mysteries before catechumens and, what is worst, before pagans; whereas, as it is written, “It is good to hide the secret of a king,” and as the Lord commanded, “Do not give what is holy to the dogs, nor cast your pearls before swine.” For the mysteries ought not to be paraded before the uninitiated, lest pagans laugh in their ignorance, and catechumens grow curious and be offended. But still, what cup was broken, or where, or in whose presence? For it is Meletians who accuse, who ought not to be believed at all; for they have been schismatics and enemies of the Church, not just now, but since the time of the blessed Peter, who was bishop and martyr. They plotted against Peter himself, slandered Achillas, his successor, and accused Alexander even before the emperor himself. Having practiced in this way, they then passed on to Athanasius too, doing nothing foreign to their wickedness: as they falsely accused those before him, so they falsely accused him. But their false accusation and slanders have prevailed now, and not before, because they had Eusebius and his party as fellow workers and patrons, on account of their own Ariomaniac impiety, for whose sake they plotted against Athanasius as against many bishops. For the place in which they say the cup was broken was not a church; there was no presbyter living in the place; and the day on which they say Macarius did this was not the Lord’s day. Since, then, there was no church there, nor anyone to celebrate, nor did the day call for it, what mystical cup was broken, or when, or where? That there are many cups, both in houses and in the middle of the marketplace, is plain, and whoever breaks any of them commits no impiety; but the mystical cup, which makes impious whoever lays hands on it if he breaks it deliberately, is found only with those who preside lawfully. This is the only kind of this cup, and there is no other. This you lawfully give the people to drink; this you received by the canon of the Church; this belongs only to those who preside over the catholic Church. For it is yours alone to give the blood of Christ to drink, and no one else’s. But as he who breaks the mystical cup is impious, so much more impious is he who insults the blood of Christ; and he insults it who does this contrary to the ordinance of the Church. And we say this not because even a cup of the schismatics was broken by Macarius, but because there was nothing there at all. How could there be, where there was neither a church building, nor anyone of the Church there, nor was it the time for the mysteries? This is the notorious Ischyras, who was never ordained by the Church, and who, when Alexander received the presbyters appointed by Meletius, was not even numbered among them; so he was not appointed from that side either.

Where, then, did Ischyras become a presbyter? Who appointed him? Colluthus? For that is all that is left. But it is plain and doubtful to no one that Colluthus died a presbyter, that his every laying-on of hands was invalid, and that all those appointed by him in the schism became laymen and attend services as such. How then could a private man, living in a private cottage, be believed to have a mystical cup? But at that time they called the private man a presbyter and bestowed this title on him for the sake of their injustice against us; and now, as the wage of his accusation, they procure for him the building of a church. So the man had no church, but now receives, as the wage of his malice and his obedience in making the accusation, the church he did not have; and perhaps they have given him a bishopric in return as well, for he goes about saying so and swaggers against us accordingly. So such prizes are now bestowed by bishops on accusers and false accusers—naturally, for having had him as an accomplice in what they wanted, they deemed him worthy of a share in their episcopate as a partner in their deeds. But enough of this; lend your ears still to what they did at that time.

Being unable to prevail against the truth, though they had armed themselves against it, and since at Tyre Ischyras proved nothing but was shown to be a false accuser, and the truth was unraveling the plot of their false accusation, they postpone the proofs and promise to send some of their own number to make inquiries in the Mareotis. And those whom we openly objected to for many reasons, both as holding the views of Arius and for that reason our enemies, they sent themselves, secretly, using their power: Diognius, Maris, Theodore, Macedonius, and two who were young in age and in character, Ursacius and Valens from Pannonia. And these men, after so long a journey, which they endured in order to judge their enemy, hastened again from Tyre to Alexandria, not declining to become witnesses as well as judges, but openly undertaking every kind of plotting and submitting to every toil and every journey in order to complete the plot that was being prepared. They left Bishop Athanasius detained abroad, while they themselves entered their enemy’s city as if in a revel against both the Church and the people; and, what was more unreasonable, they took Ischyras the accuser along with them, but did not allow Macarius the accused to follow, leaving him under guard at Tyre. For Macarius, the presbyter of Alexandria, was being dragged up and down by them on the charge.

So, having entered Alexandria alone with the accuser, having him as their housemate, table companion, and drinking companion, and taking with them Philagrius the prefect of Egypt, they went off to the Mareotis; and there they conducted the inquiry, so-called, by themselves as they pleased, with the aforesaid man, not allowing the presbyters to be present, though they asked many times. Both the presbyters of the city and those of the whole countryside asked to be present, so that they might expose who the persons put forward by Ischyras were and where they came from. And they kept the ministers from being present, while before pagans they inquired about a church, about a cup, about a table, and about the holy things; and, what was worse, they called pagans as witnesses when inquiring about a mystical cup. And those whom they asserted had been carried off by Athanasius at the summons of the catholicus, and whose whereabouts on earth were unknown, these they brought in before themselves and the prefect alone. And they were not ashamed to say that these men had been made away with by Bishop Athanasius—men whose testimony they evidently use! But here too, wishing only to murder, they again invent the living as dead, imitating their method with Arsenius. For the men exist and are seen in their own country, yet to you who are far away they make a tragedy of them as having vanished, so that, while the proofs are far off, they may slander our fellow minister as using force and power, though they themselves do everything with power and patronage. For what happened at the Mareotis again resembled what happened at Tyre: as there a count was present with a military guard, permitting nothing to be said or done contrary to their wishes, so here too the prefect of Egypt was present with his staff, frightening all the members of the church and permitting no one to testify truthfully. And what was stranger, in the very place, in the accuser’s house, they both lodged and conducted what inquiry they pleased—as judges, or witnesses, or rather, which is truer, as servants of their own zeal and Eusebius’s.

What they dared to do in Alexandria we suppose you are not unaware of, for it has been reported everywhere. Naked swords were brought against the holy virgins and the brothers, and scourges against bodies honorable before God, and women whose souls were pure in chastity and complete in every good thing were lamed in their feet by the blows. The trades were stirred up against them, and pagan mobs, to strip them, beat them, and treat them wantonly, and to threaten them with altars and sacrifices. And a licentious man, as though license had now been given by the prefect as a favor to the bishops, seized a virgin by the hand and dragged her to an altar that happened to be there, imitating the compulsion to sacrifice in a persecution. These things were done, and the virgins fled, and the pagans laughed at the Church, while the bishops were in the city, lodging in the very house where these things were being done, and from which, out of favor to them, the virgins endured naked swords and every danger, insult, and drunken violence. And they suffered these things during a fast, at the hands of men who were feasting indoors with the bishops. [16] Foreseeing these things, knowing that the entry of enemies is no ordinary harm, we made our objection. Alexander too, the bishop of Thessalonica, bearing these things in mind, writes to those who remained there, exposing the plot and bearing witness to the conspiracy. Even if they number him with themselves and count him one of the plot, they show nothing else than the violence done to him. For even the utterly wicked Ischyras did not rush into it without fear and force, but took on the accusation under compulsion. As proof of this, Ischyras himself wrote to our fellow bishop Athanasius that nothing of the kind had been done there, but that he had been prompted to invent it. And he wrote this without having been received by him as a presbyter, without having been granted such a title as a favor, without having obtained the building of a church as a reward or expecting a bishopric as a wage—all of which he obtained from them for his accusation. Moreover, his whole family attended services with us; they would not have done so had they been wronged in the least.

That these things are not words but deeds, all the presbyters of the Mareotis are witnesses, who always accompany the bishop on his visitations; who also wrote against Ischyras at that time; and neither were those of them who came to Tyre allowed to speak the truth, nor were those who stayed in the Mareotis permitted to expose Ischyras as a false accuser. There are also the copies of Alexander’s letters, and of the presbyters’, and of Ischyras’s. We have sent also the letter of the father of the emperors, in which he is not only indignant over Arsenius, that the murder of a living man was charged, but also marvels at the inconsistency and confusion of the accusation about the cup, since they accused now Macarius the presbyter and now Athanasius the bishop of having broken the cup with his hands; and again he declares the Meletians false accusers, and again Athanasius entirely innocent. For how are the Meletians not false accusers, and John above all? He came into the church, communicated with us, condemned himself, and raised nothing further about the cup; but when he saw Eusebius and his party zealous for the Ariomaniacs yet not daring to work with them openly, and seeking to use other faces, he put himself forward like an actor of the theaters outside. The plot was a contest of the Arians, and the main aim was their success; John and those with him were their stooge and appendage, so that the partisans of the Arians, using these men as a pretext, in the guise of judges, might drive away the enemies of impiety, fix impiety firmly, and bring the Arians into the Church. And those who … piety try to conquer by impiety; and those who chose impiety against Christ attempted to destroy the enemies of impiety as impious. They bring up a broken cup against us, so that it might seem … that Athanasius too was impious against Christ along with them. For what concern for a mystical cup should they have? Whence do the champions of impiety toward Christ get a pious mind about a cup? How should the cup of Christ be familiar to those who do not know Christ? How do those who pretend to honor the cup dishonor the God of the cup? Or how do those who lament a cup seek to murder the bishop who celebrates the mysteries with it? And they would have murdered him, as far as lay in them. And how do those who lament the throne adorned for a bishop seek to destroy the bishop who sits on it, so that the throne may want its bishop and the people be deprived of pious teaching? So it was neither a cup, nor a murder, nor any of the marvels they told that led them to this, but the aforesaid impiety of the Arians, for whose sake they plotted against Athanasius and other bishops and still now make war on the Church. For who are they that have truly caused murders and exiles? Is it not these? Who are they that, using outside patronage, plot against bishops? Is it not Eusebius and his party rather, and not Athanasius, as they write? For he and others have suffered at their hands. For on account of impiety … and four presbyters of Alexandria at that time, though they had not even gone to Tyre, were sent beyond the frontier by them. Who, then, deserve lamentation and tears? Is it not those who did the first things and do not shrink from adding second ones, and make false accusations in everything, so that they may destroy a bishop who does not yield to their impious heresy? This is the reason for the enmity of Eusebius and his party; this is the reason for what was set in motion at Tyre; this is the reason for the feigned trials; this is the reason why they now write letters even without a trial, as though fully informed; this is the reason for the slanders to the father of the emperors and to the most pious emperors themselves.

For you must know what is now alleged against our fellow minister Athanasius, so that you may recognize that they seek nothing else than to murder the man. Grain was given by the father of the emperors for the support of the widows, one portion for Libya and another for certain persons from Egypt. All have received it up to now, Athanasius getting nothing from it but the labor of helping them. But now, although they receive it and make no complaint but acknowledge that they receive it, Athanasius has been slandered as selling all the grain and appropriating it to his own use; and the emperor has written to this effect, accusing him on the strength of the slanders that were made. Who, then, are the slanderers? Is it not those who did the first things and do not shrink from stirring up second ones? Who are the authors of these letters said to come from the emperor? Is it not the Arians, who are zealous against him and have not shrunk from saying or writing anything against the man? For no one would pass over those who have done so much and suspect others. Indeed the clearest proof of their slander appears: they are eager, on the pretext of the slander, to take the grain away from the Church and give it to the Arians. This above all points back to the authors of the scheme and their ringleaders, who did not shrink either from stirring up charges of murder against the man, by which they have falsely slandered him to the emperor, or from taking away the support of the clergy of the Church, in order in fact to provide gain for heretics.

We have sent also the testimony of our fellow ministers in Libya and Pentapolis and from Egypt, so that from this too you may know the false accusation made against Athanasius. They do these things so that, when those who hold to piety keep quiet from fear, the heresy of the impious Arians may be brought in instead. But thanks be to your piety, beloved, because you have often written anathematizing the Arians and have given them no place in the Church; and the refutation of Eusebius and his party is near at hand. For see, after their earlier letters concerning the Arians, of which we have also sent the copies, they now openly raise up against the Church the Ariomaniacs anathematized by the whole catholic Church; they have appointed a bishop for them, and they divide the churches with threats and fears, so that they may have fellow workers in their impiety everywhere. For they even send deacons to the Ariomaniacs, who openly attend their meetings, write to them, and receive replies from them, rending the Church and communicating with them; and they send letters everywhere commending their heresy and denouncing the Church, as you can learn from what they themselves have written to the bishop of the Romans, and perhaps to you as well. That these things ought not to go unpunished, beloved, you too perceive; for they are terrible and foreign to the teaching of Christ. For this reason we have met together and written to you, asking your understanding in Christ to accept this declaration, to share the grief of our fellow bishop Athanasius, and to be indignant against Eusebius and his party, who attempt such things, so that such malice and wickedness may no longer prevail against the Church. For we call on you as avengers of such injustice, reminding you of the apostolic word, “Drive out the wicked person from among you.” For what they have done is truly wicked and unworthy of communion. Therefore pay no further attention, even if they write to you again against Bishop Athanasius (for everything from them is false), not even if they inscribe the names of Egyptian bishops on their letters. For it is plain that it is not we who write, but the Meletians, who are schismatics always, and who to this day trouble the churches and stir up factions. For they make unreasonable appointments, almost like those of pagans, and do such things as we are ashamed to write, but which you can learn from those sent by us, who deliver this letter to you.”

This the bishops of Egypt wrote to all, and to Julius, bishop of Rome. Eusebius and his party also wrote to Julius and, thinking to frighten us, asked him to call a synod and, if he wished, to be the judge himself. When, therefore, we went up to Rome, Julius rightly wrote to Eusebius and his party too, sending two presbyters of his own, Elpidius and Philoxenus. But when they heard about us they were thrown into confusion, not having expected us to go up; and they declined, inventing implausible excuses, but in truth afraid that what Valens and Ursacius confessed would be proved against them. So more than fifty bishops met, in the place where the presbyter Vito held his congregation, and they accepted our defense and confirmed to us both communion and love. But they were indignant against those men, and asked Julius to write accordingly to Eusebius and his party, who had written to him; and he wrote, and sent the letter by Gabianus the count. Letter of Julius. “Julius to Danius, Flacillus, Narcissus, Eusebius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodore, and those with them who wrote to us from Antioch, beloved brothers, greeting in the Lord.

I have read the letter brought by my presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, and I was surprised that, while we wrote in love and with a conscience of truth, you replied contentiously and not as was fitting; for the pride and arrogance of the writers showed through the letter. Such things are foreign to faith in Christ. For what was written with love ought to have received an equal return with love, and not with contentiousness. Or is it not a mark of love to send presbyters to sympathize with those who suffer, and to invite those who wrote to come, so that everything might be settled quickly and set right, and neither our brothers suffer any longer nor anyone slander you? But I do not know what made you so disposed as to make us think that even the words with which you seemed to honor us you spoke in disguise, with a certain irony. For the presbyters who were sent, who ought to have returned with joy, returned on the contrary grieved at what they had seen happening there. And I, on reading the letter, after much thought kept it to myself, thinking that some would come after all and that there would be no need of the letter, lest, if it came into the open, it should grieve many here. But since no one came, and it became necessary to produce it, I confess to you that all were astonished, and almost refused to believe that such things had been written by you at all; for the letter was one of contentiousness rather than love. Now if its author wrote out of ambition for eloquence, such a pursuit belongs to others. For in church matters there is no display of eloquence, but apostolic canons and care not to offend one of the little ones in the Church. For, according to the word of the Church, it is better for a millstone to be hung around one’s neck and to be drowned than to offend even one of the little ones. But if the letter was written as by men grieved through petty-mindedness toward one another (for I would not say that this is the mind of all), you ought not to have been grieved at all, nor to let the sun go down on your grief; but in any case you ought not to have been carried so far as to set it out in writing.

For what has happened that deserves grief, or in what respect was it fitting for you to be grieved at what we wrote? Was it that we invited you to attend a synod? But you ought rather to have welcomed this with joy. For those who have confidence in what they have done and, as they say, judged, are not indignant if their judgment is examined by others; they are confident that what they judged justly could never turn out unjust. For this reason the bishops assembled at the great synod of Nicaea, not without the will of God, allowed the decisions of an earlier synod to be examined in another synod, so that those who judge, having before their eyes the second judgment to come, might examine with all care, and those who are judged might trust that they are judged not by the enmity of the former judges but by justice. But if you do not wish this custom to prevail among you, though it is ancient and was mentioned and written down at the great synod, such a refusal is unbecoming; for what has once become custom in the Church and been confirmed by synods should not reasonably be set aside by a few. Besides, not even on this point could you justly be shown to be grieved. For those sent with letters by you, Eusebius and your party—I mean Macarius the presbyter and Martyrius and Hesychius the deacons—when they arrived here and could not stand up against the presbyters of Athanasius who had come, but were put to confusion and refuted on every point, then asked us to convene a synod and to write both to Bishop Athanasius at Alexandria and to Eusebius and his party, so that a just judgment might be given in the presence of all. For then they promised to prove all the charges against Athanasius. For Martyrius and Hesychius were refuted publicly by us, and the presbyters of Bishop Athanasius withstood them with confidence; Martyrius and his companions, if the truth must be told, were put to confusion on every point, which is why they asked for a synod to be held. If, then, even without Martyrius and Hesychius asking for a synod, I had been the one to invite you, so as to trouble those who wrote, for the sake of our brothers who complain of having suffered injustice, even so the invitation would have been reasonable and just, for it is ecclesiastical and pleasing to God. But when those whom you yourselves, Eusebius and your party, considered trustworthy themselves asked us to convene it, it followed that those invited should not be grieved but rather attend readily. So the indignation of those who were grieved is shown to be rash, and the refusal of those unwilling to attend unbecoming and suspicious. Does anyone blame what he himself does, if he sees it done by another? For if, as you write, each synod has unshakable force, and the judge is dishonored if his judgment is examined by others, consider, beloved, who they are who dishonor a synod, and who they are who undo the judgments of those who judged earlier. And so that I may not seem to burden anyone by examining every case now, the last thing that happened, which would make anyone shudder to hear, is enough to prove everything I pass over.

The Arians, who were expelled for impiety by Alexander of blessed memory, formerly bishop of Alexandria, were not only denounced by the bishops in each city, but were anathematized by all who assembled together at the great synod of Nicaea. For their offense was no ordinary one, nor had they sinned against a man, but against our Lord Jesus Christ himself, the Son of the living God. And yet those who were denounced by the whole world and publicly branded in every church are now said to have been received, and I think it right that you too should be angry on hearing it. Who, then, are they who dishonor a synod? Is it not those who set at naught the votes of the three hundred and preferred impiety to piety? For the heresy of the Ariomaniacs was condemned and denounced by all the bishops everywhere; but Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus have more who speak and write in their favor. For it was attested to us that Marcellus opposed, even at the synod of Nicaea, those who held the views of Arius; and it was attested that Athanasius was not condemned even at Tyre, and was not present in the Mareotis, where the minutes against him are said to have been drawn up. And you know, beloved, that one-sided proceedings have no force but are suspect. And yet, though this is so, we, for the sake of accuracy, and without prejudging the case either for you or for those who wrote on their behalf, invited those who wrote to come, so that, since those who wrote on their behalf are more numerous, everything might be examined at a synod, and neither the innocent be condemned nor the guilty be reckoned clean. So it is not by us that a synod is dishonored, but by those who received, lightly and at random, the Arians condemned by all, against the judgment of those who condemned them. For most of those judges have already departed to be with Christ; but some are still living in this life, indignant that certain people have undone their judgment.

This we learned also from what happened in Alexandria. For a certain Carpones, who had been expelled by Alexander for the heresy of Arius, came here with some others who had also been expelled for the same heresy, sent by one Gregory. We learned it also from Macarius the presbyter and Martyrius and Hesychius the deacons. For before the presbyters of Athanasius arrived, they urged us to write to one Pistus at Alexandria, at a time when Bishop Athanasius was in Alexandria. But the presbyters of Bishop Athanasius, when they arrived, proved that this Pistus was an Arian, expelled by Bishop Alexander and by the synod of Nicaea, and appointed by one Secundus, whom the great synod expelled as an Arian. Not even Martyrius and his companions contradicted this, or denied that Pistus had his appointment from Secundus. Consider, then, from this too who would justly come under blame: we, who would not be persuaded to write to Pistus the Arian, or those who advise us to dishonor the great synod and write to the impious as to the pious? For Macarius the presbyter too, who had been sent by Eusebius with Martyrius and his companions, when he heard that the presbyters of Athanasius had arrived, while we were expecting his presence with Martyrius and Hesychius, departed by night, although he was ill in body; so that from this we naturally conclude that he withdrew because he was ashamed of the refutation concerning Pistus. For it is impossible for an appointment made by Secundus the Arian to have force in the catholic Church. For this would truly be a dishonor to the synod and to the bishops who assembled at it, if what was done with such zeal and reverence, as in the presence of God, were undone as nothing.

If, then, as you write, the decrees of synods must have force, on the precedent of Novatus and Paul of Samosata, still more ought the vote of the three hundred not to have been undone, still more ought the general synod not to have been dishonored by a few. For the Arians are heretics, as those were, and the votes against these are like the votes against those. Since such things have been dared, who are they who have kindled the flame of discord? For you blamed us in writing for having done this. Was it we, then, who caused discord, we who share the grief of our suffering brothers and have done everything according to the canon? Or those who contentiously and contrary to the canon undid the vote of the three hundred and dishonored the synod in every respect? For not only were the Arians received, but bishops have also made a practice of passing from place to place. If, then, you truly held the honor of bishops to be equal and the same, and did not judge bishops by the size of their cities, as you write, then he who was entrusted with a small city ought to remain in the one entrusted to him, and not despise what was entrusted to him and pass to one not committed to his charge, despising what was given by God and loving the vainglory of men. Therefore, beloved, you ought to have come and not declined, so that the matter might be brought to an end; for this is what reason requires. But perhaps the appointed date hindered you; for you complained in writing that we fixed too short a date for the synod. But this too, beloved, is a pretext. For if the day had shut out some who were on their way, the interval before the date would have been proved too short; but if those who did not wish to come detained even the presbyters until the very month of January, the pretext is that of men lacking confidence. For they would have come, as I said before, had they been confident, not looking at the length of the journey nor regarding the date, but speaking boldly on the strength of what was just and reasonable. But perhaps they did not come because of the times; for in writing you indicated this too, that we ought to have considered the situation in the East and not invited you to come. If, then, as you say, you did not come because the times were such, you ought first to have considered the times yourselves and not become the causes of schism and of wailing and lamentation in the churches. As it is, those who have done these things have shown that the cause was not the times but the will of those who did not wish to come.

I marvel also at that part of the letter—how it could have been written by you at all—that I wrote alone, and only to Eusebius and his party and not to all of you. For in this one would find the hastiness of the complainants rather than the truth. For I, having received letters against Athanasius from no other quarter than through Martyrius and Hesychius, necessarily wrote to those who had written against him. So either Eusebius and his party ought not to have written by themselves without all of you, or you to whom I did not write ought not to be grieved that a letter was written to those who had written. For if I ought to have written to all of you, you also ought to have written with them. As it is, considering what was fitting, we wrote to those who had both informed us and sent to us. And if the fact that I alone wrote to them has upset you, it is fitting for you to be indignant also that they wrote to me alone. But in this too, beloved, the pretext is plausible but not reasonable. Nevertheless I must let you know that, although I wrote alone, this view is not mine alone, but that of all the bishops throughout Italy and in these regions. And I did not want to make all of them write, so that you might not feel the weight of many. Indeed, even now the bishops have met on the appointed date and have agreed on this view, which I indicate to you in writing again; so, beloved, though I write alone, know that this is the view of all. So much, then, to show that certain of you have offered pretexts that are not reasonable, but unjust and suspect.

As for our not having received our fellow bishops Athanasius and Marcellus into communion lightly or unjustly, although what has been said is sufficient, it is reasonable nevertheless to show it to you briefly. Eusebius and his party wrote formerly against Athanasius and those with him, and you too have written now; but very many bishops from Egypt and other provinces wrote in favor of Athanasius. First, then, your letters against him contradict each other: the later ones have no agreement with the earlier, but in many points the earlier are refuted by the later and the later are discredited by the earlier; and when letters disagree, what they say deserves no credit. Next, if you think your letters should be believed, it follows that those who wrote on his behalf should not be disbelieved either—especially since you write from afar, while they are on the spot, know the man and what happens there, testify to his life, and affirm that in everything he has been the victim of a plot. Again, a certain Arsenius … but we learned that he is alive, and moreover is on friendly terms with him. He affirmed that the minutes taken in the Mareotis were drawn up one-sidedly, for neither Macarius the presbyter, the accused, nor his bishop Athanasius himself was present there. And this we learned not only from his own words but also from the minutes which Martyrius and Hesychius brought us; for on reading them we found that the accuser Ischyras was present there, but neither Macarius nor Bishop Athanasius, and moreover that the presbyters of Athanasius asked to be present and were not allowed. Yet, beloved, if the trial was conducted honestly, not only the accuser but also the accused ought to have been present. For as at Tyre the accuser … and nothing was proved, so in the Mareotis not only the accuser but also the accused ought to have gone, so that being present he might either be convicted or, if not convicted, expose the false accusation. As it is, since this did not happen, but only the accuser went, together with those to whom Athanasius objected, the proceedings appear suspect.

He also complained that those who went to the Mareotis had gone against his wishes. For he said that they had sent Theognius, Maris, Theodore, Ursacius, Valens, and Macedonius, who were suspect. And he showed this not only from his own words but also from the letter of Alexander, the late bishop of Thessalonica; for he produced a letter of his written to Dionysius, the count at the synod, in which he makes plain that a manifest plot had been formed against Athanasius. He also produced an authentic autograph of the accuser Ischyras himself, in which, calling God Almighty to witness, he said that there had been neither breaking of a cup nor overturning of a table, but that he had been prompted by certain persons to invent this accusation. The presbyters of the Mareotis also came and affirmed that Ischyras was not a presbyter of the catholic Church and that Macarius had committed no such offense as he charged. And the presbyters and deacons who came here testified not a little but much on behalf of Bishop Athanasius, affirming that none of the charges against him was true, but that he had been the victim of a plot. All the bishops of Egypt and Libya also affirmed in writing that his appointment was lawful and ecclesiastical, and that all you say against him is false: no murder had taken place, no one had been put to death on his account, no cup had been broken, but everything was false. And from the minutes taken one-sidedly in the Mareotis Bishop Athanasius showed that a catechumen was examined and said he was inside with Ischyras when Macarius, Athanasius’s presbyter, as they say, burst in on the place; and that others were examined and said, some that Ischyras was lying in a small cell, others that he was lying behind the door, being sick at the time when they say Macarius came there. From this, as he said, we too naturally infer: how could a man lying sick behind the door have been standing at that time, ministering and offering? Or how could the offering have been set out while catechumens were inside? For if the catechumens were inside, it was not yet the time of the offering. These things, as has been said, Bishop Athanasius stated and showed from the minutes, while those with him affirmed that Ischyras had never at all been a presbyter in the catholic Church, nor had he ever attended services in the Church as a presbyter; for not even when Alexander, in accordance with the clemency of the great synod, received those from the schism of Meletius was he named by Meletius among his clergy, as they affirmed. This is the strongest proof that he was not even of Meletius’s party, for if he had been, he would certainly have been numbered with them. Besides, Athanasius showed from the minutes that Ischyras had lied in other things too; for when he charged that books had been burned when, as they say, Macarius burst in, he was proved a liar by the very witnesses he brought.

Since these things were said, and there were so many witnesses on his behalf and so many justifications produced by him, what ought we to have done? Or what does the canon of the Church require, except not to condemn the man but rather to receive him and hold him as bishop, as indeed we do? Besides all this, he remained here a year and six months, awaiting the arrival of you or of whoever wished to come; and by his presence he put everyone to shame, since he would not have been present had he not been confident. For he did not come of his own accord, but was summoned and received letters from us, just as we wrote to you. And yet after all this you have blamed us as having acted against the canons. Consider, then, who they are who have acted against the canons: we, who received the man on such strong proofs, or those who at Antioch, thirty-six stages away, named a stranger as bishop and sent him to Alexandria with military force? This was not done even when he was sent to the Gauls; it would have been done then, had he really been condemned. Indeed, when he returned he found the church vacant and awaiting him.

But now I do not know in what way what has happened came about. First, if the truth must be told, when we had written that a synod should be held, no one ought to have anticipated the synod’s judgment; and next, no such innovation should have been made against the Church. For what canon of the Church, or what apostolic tradition, is there of this kind: that while the Church was at peace and so many bishops were in concord with Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, Gregory should be sent—a stranger to the city, neither baptized there nor known to the many, not asked for by presbyters, bishops, or people—appointed at Antioch and sent to Alexandria not with presbyters, not with deacons of the city, not with bishops of Egypt, but with soldiers? For this is what those who came here said and complained of. Even if, after the synod, Athanasius had been found guilty, the appointment ought not to have been made so lawlessly and against the canon of the Church; rather the bishops of the province ought to have appointed someone from that very church, from its own priesthood, from its own clergy, and the canons that come from the apostles ought not now to be set aside. If such a thing had been done against one of you, would you not have cried out and demanded redress for the violation of the canons? Beloved, we speak truly, as in the presence of God, and we say: this is not pious, nor lawful, nor ecclesiastical. For what is said to have been done by Gregory at his entry shows the character of his appointment. In such peaceful times, as those who came from Alexandria reported and as the bishops also wrote, the church suffered burning, virgins were stripped, monks were trampled underfoot, presbyters and many of the people were maltreated and suffered violence, bishops were imprisoned, many were dragged about, and the holy mysteries, on account of which they accused Macarius the presbyter, were plundered by pagans and thrown on the ground—so that certain people might accept Gregory’s appointment. Such things show who it is that set aside the canons. For if the appointment had been lawful, he would not have used lawlessness to compel the obedience of those who lawfully refused to obey him. And yet, though such things have happened, you write that great peace has come about in Alexandria and Egypt—unless the work of peace has been turned into its opposite, and you call such things peace.

I thought it necessary also to let you know this: Athanasius affirmed that Macarius was kept under guard of soldiers at Tyre, and that only the accuser went with those who went to the Mareotis; that the presbyters who asked to be present at the inquiry were not permitted, while the inquiry about the cup and the table took place in the presence of the prefect and his staff, with pagans and Jews present. At first this was incredible, had it not been shown from the minutes too; we marveled at it, and I think you too marvel, beloved. Presbyters, who are the ministers of the mysteries, are not permitted to be present, while before an outside judge, in the presence of catechumens and, worst of all, before pagans and Jews, who are ill-disposed toward Christianity, an inquiry is held about the blood of Christ and the body of Christ! For even if some offense had been committed at all, such things ought to have been examined lawfully in the Church by clergy, and not by pagans who abhor the Word and do not know the truth. How great and of what kind this sin is, I trust that both you and everyone perceive. So much about Athanasius.

As for Marcellus, since you wrote of him too as impious toward Christ, I am anxious to let you know that when he was here he affirmed that what you had written about him was not true; nevertheless, when asked by us to speak about the faith, he answered on his own account with such boldness that we recognized that he confesses nothing outside the truth. For he confessed that he holds as piously about our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ as the catholic Church holds; and he affirmed that he had held these views not only now but long since, as indeed our presbyters, who were at the synod of Nicaea at that time, bore witness to his orthodoxy; for he maintained that both then and now he had held views opposed to the heresy of the Arians. On this point it is right to remind you too that no one should accept such a heresy, but should abhor it as foreign to sound teaching. Since, then, he holds correctly and is attested as orthodox, what again ought we to have done in his case, but hold him as bishop, as we did, and not cast him out of communion? I have written these things not to make a defense on their behalf, but so that you may believe that we received the men justly and canonically and that you contend in vain. But it is right for you to be zealous and to labor in every way so that what was done against the canon may be corrected and the churches have peace, so that the peace of the Lord which was given us may remain, the churches not be divided, and you not incur blame as the causes of schism. For I confess to you, what has been done gives occasion not for peace but for schism.

For not only have Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus come here, complaining that injustice had been done to them, but also very many other bishops from Thrace, from Coele-Syria, from Phoenicia and Palestine; and not a few presbyters, and others from Alexandria and others from other parts, came to the synod here; and in the presence of all the bishops assembled, besides the other things they said, they lamented the violence and injustice the churches had suffered, and they affirmed that things like those at Alexandria … had happened in their own churches and in other churches, not in word only but in deed. And presbyters have now come again with letters from Egypt and Alexandria, lamenting that many bishops and presbyters who wished to come to the synod were prevented. For they said that up to now, even after the departure of Bishop Athanasius, bishops who are confessors are being cut down with blows and others imprisoned; that even aged men, who have held the episcopate for a very long time, are being handed over to public duties; and that almost all the clergy and people of the catholic Church are being plotted against and persecuted. For they said that some bishops and some brothers had been banished for no other reason than to compel them, even against their will, to communicate with Gregory and the Arians with him. We heard from others too that not a few things had happened at Ancyra in Galatia, the same as had happened at Alexandria, and Bishop Marcellus bore witness to it. Besides this, those who came have brought such charges, and such grave ones, against some of you—I do not name them—as I have declined to put in writing; but perhaps you too have heard them from others. It was chiefly for this reason that I wrote inviting you to come, so that you might hear in person and everything might be set right and healed. In such matters those who were summoned ought to have attended the more readily and not declined, lest they be thought suspect with regard to what was said, if they did not attend, as though unable to prove what they had written.

Since, then, such things are said, and the churches are thus suffering and being plotted against, as those who reported them affirmed, who are they who have kindled the flame of discord? We, who are grieved at such things and suffer with our suffering brothers, or those who have done such things? For I wonder how, when there is such great disorder in every church there—the very reason why those who came here have come—you write that concord has come about in the churches. Such things are done not for the building up of the Church but for its tearing down; and those who rejoice in them are not sons of peace but of disorder; and our God is not a God of disorder but of peace. Therefore, as the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ knows, caring for your good name and praying that the churches may not be in disorder but may remain as they were ordered by the apostles, I thought it necessary to write these things to you, so that you may at last put to shame those who through their enmity toward one another have brought the churches to this state. For I have heard that there are a few who are the cause of all this. As men who have hearts of compassion, be zealous to correct, as I said before, what was done against the canon, so that if anything has been done prematurely, it may be healed by your zeal. And do not write, “Choose communion with Marcellus and Athanasius, or with us”; for such things are marks not of peace but of contentiousness and hatred of brothers. It was for this reason that I wrote what precedes, so that, learning that we received them not unjustly, you may cease from such strife. For if they had come and been condemned, or had not appeared to have reasonable proofs on their own behalf, you would have been right to write such things; but since, as I said before, we held communion with them canonically and not unjustly, I beg you for Christ’s sake not to allow the members of Christ to be torn apart, nor to trust in prejudgments, but to prefer the peace of the Lord. For it is neither holy nor just, through the petty-mindedness of a few, to cast off those who have not been condemned and in this to grieve the Spirit. But if you think you can prove anything against them and convict them face to face, let those who wish come; for they too have promised to be ready both to prove and to refute what they reported to us.

Inform us, then, beloved, about this, so that we may write both to them and to the bishops who must assemble again, so that the guilty may be condemned in the presence of all and there may be no more disorder in the churches. What has happened is enough; it is enough that bishops were exiled in the presence of bishops. I need not speak at length about this, lest those who were present then should seem to be burdened. For if the truth must be told, things ought not to have gone so far, nor petty-mindedness to have reached such a pitch. Granted that Athanasius and Marcellus, as you write, were removed from their own places—what would one say about the others, the bishops and presbyters who, as I said before, have come here from various places? For they too said that they had been carried off and had suffered such things. O beloved! The judgments of the Church are no longer according to the Gospel, but now end in banishment and death. For even if, as you say, some offense had been committed by them, the trial ought to have been held according to the canon of the Church and not in this way. You ought to have written to all of us, so that justice might thus be determined by all. For those who suffered were bishops, and the churches that suffered were no ordinary ones, but those which the apostles themselves governed in person. And why were we not written to, above all, concerning the church of the Alexandrians? Or do you not know that this was the custom, that we be written to first, and that what is just be determined from here? If, then, any such suspicion had fallen on the bishop there, it should have been referred in writing to the church here. But now those who did not inform us, but acted as they themselves wished, want us too to join in their vote, though we did not condemn him. Not so are the ordinances of Paul, not so have the Fathers handed down; this is a different pattern and a new practice. I beg you, bear it willingly; what I write is for the common good. For what we have received from the blessed apostle Peter, this I make known to you also; and I would not have written, thinking these things plain to all, had not what happened troubled us. Bishops are carried off and removed from their places, others are put in their stead from elsewhere, and others are plotted against; so that the people mourn for those carried off and are coerced in the case of those sent, so that they may not seek those they want and may receive those they do not want. I ask you that such things happen no more; rather write against those who attempt such things, so that the churches may no longer suffer them, and no bishop or presbyter suffer outrage, or anyone be compelled, as they have shown us, to act against his judgment, lest we incur ridicule among the pagans, and above all lest we provoke God. For each of us will give an account on the day of judgment for what he has done here. May all think according to God, so that the churches too, having received their bishops back, may rejoice always in Christ Jesus our Lord, through whom be glory to the Father for ever and ever. Amen. I pray for your health in the Lord, beloved and most longed-for brothers.”

So wrote the synod at Rome through Julius, bishop of Rome. But when Eusebius and his party again behaved shamelessly, troubling the churches and plotting against many, the most God-loving emperors Constantius and Constans, learning of it, ordered the bishops both of the West and of the East to assemble at the city of Sardica. Eusebius died in the meantime; but when very many had assembled from every side, we challenged the partners of Eusebius’s party to a trial. They, however, having before their eyes what they had done and seeing that their accusers had come up, were afraid of the trial; and while all others came in good faith, they again brought with them counts, Musonianus and Hesychius the castrensis, so that, as they were accustomed, they might do whatever they wished by their authority. But when the synod was held without counts and no soldier was present among them, they were thrown into confusion, stricken by their conscience; for they were no longer judged as they wished, but as the reason of truth required. So when we challenged them for a long time, and the synod of bishops challenged them, saying, “You came to be judged; why, having come, do you now withdraw? You ought either not to have come, or having come not to hide; for this brings the greatest condemnation on you. See, Athanasius and his companions are here, whom you slandered in their absence; if you think you have anything, refute them in their presence. But if you cannot, and pretend to be unwilling, you are plainly false accusers, and this is the judgment the synod will give you”—when they heard this, they condemned themselves (for they knew what they had done and invented against us) and were ashamed to appear, having exposed against themselves their great and unseemly false accusation. The holy synod, then, condemning their unseemly and suspicious flight, admitted us to make our defense. And when we related by witnesses and proofs what had been done against us, they marveled, and all recognized that it was with good reason that those men had feared the synod, lest they be refuted face to face. And they said, “Perhaps they came from the East thinking that Athanasius and his companions would not appear; for now that they see them speaking boldly and challenging a trial, they flee.” So they received us as men wronged and slandered without cause, and confirmed to us still more their communion and love; but they deposed those who were partners in Eusebius’s wickedness and had become even more shameless than he: Theodore of Heraclea, Narcissus of Neronias, Acacius of Caesarea, Stephen of Antioch, Ursacius and Valens of Pannonia, Menophantus of Ephesus, and George of Laodicea. And they wrote to the bishops throughout the whole world, and to the church of each of those who had been wronged, as follows. Letter of the synod assembled at Sardica. “The holy synod assembled by the grace of God at Sardica, from Rome, the Spains, the Gauls, Italy, Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Africa, Sardinia, the Pannonias, the Moesias, Dacia, Noricum, Siscia, Dardania, the other Dacia, Macedonia, Thessaly, Achaia, Epirus, Thrace, Rhodope, Palestine, Arabia, Crete, and Egypt, to the presbyters and deacons and all the holy church of God dwelling at Alexandria, beloved brothers in …

We were not unaware—indeed it was plain to us even before we received the letter of your piety—that the champions of the abominable heresy of the Arians were contriving many terrible things, to the destruction of their own souls rather than against the Church. For this has always been their craft and villainy, this their deadly purpose: to be zealous to drive out and persecute all who are anywhere of the right belief and hold the teaching of the catholic Church handed down by the Fathers. Some they subjected to false charges, others they sent into exile, others they wore down with punishments themselves. Indeed they were zealous to seize by violence and tyranny our brother and fellow bishop Athanasius in his innocence, and for this reason the judgment given by them was neither careful, nor in good faith, nor just at all. Therefore, having no confidence in what they had staged, but seeing that they could have no true proofs of these things, though they were present in the city of Sardica they would not come to the synod of all the holy bishops. From this the judgment of our brother and fellow bishop Julius has proved manifest and just; for he did not deliberate without examination, but decided with care, so that there should be no hesitation at all about communion with our brother Athanasius. For he had eighty bishops as true witnesses; and he had this just ground too, that through our beloved brothers his presbyters and by letters he outmaneuvered Eusebius and his party, who relied not on judgment but rather on force. Hence all the bishops everywhere confirmed their communion with him. And let your love consider this too: when he came to the holy synod assembled at Sardica, then, as we said before, the Easterners were reminded both by letters and by unwritten messages, and were summoned by us to be present. But they, condemned by their conscience, began to flee from trial, using unseemly pretexts. For they demanded that the innocent man be expelled from our communion as guilty, not seeing how unseemly, or rather impossible, this was. And the minutes taken in the Mareotis by certain utterly wicked and abandoned young men, whom no one would have trusted even with the lowest rank of the clergy, have been shown to have been drawn up one-sidedly. For neither our brother Athanasius the bishop nor Macarius the presbyter, whom they accused, was present. And yet the questioning conducted by them, or rather the prompting, was full of every shame: now pagans and now catechumens were questioned, not so that they might say what they knew, but so that they might lie as they had been taught by them. And when your presbyters, who were concerned in the absence of your bishop, wished to be present at the inquiry, to show the truth and refute the lies, no account was taken of them; for they did not permit you to be present, but even drove you out with insult. And although the false accusation is perfectly plain to all from this too, yet on reading the minutes we found the utterly wicked Ischyras himself, who received from them, as the wage of his false accusation, the supposed title of the episcopate, refuting his own false accusation. For Ischyras himself, in the very minutes, … that at that time he was lying [ill] …, whereas … that Ischyras was … offering when Macarius came.

That false accusation and slander, too, which they brought afterwards has become plain to all. For they said and cried out that Athanasius had committed murder and had killed one Arsenius, a Meletian bishop; over this they played their part with feigned groans and fabricated tears, and demanded that the body of the living man be given up as though he were dead. But their sophistries did not go unrecognized; for all knew that the man was alive and numbered among the living. And when these men, ready for anything, saw themselves refuted in these lies (for Arsenius himself, alive, showed that he had not been killed and was not dead), still they did not keep quiet, but sought other false accusations in addition to the former ones, so as to slander the man by fresh contrivances. What then, beloved? Our brother Athanasius was not troubled, but again with great boldness challenged them on these points too; and we too prayed and urged them to come to the trial and, if they could, to refute him. O great greed! O terrible arrogance! Or rather, if the truth must be told, O evil and guilty conscience! For this has been made plain to all. Therefore, beloved brothers, we remind and exhort you above all to hold the right faith of the catholic Church. You have suffered many terrible and grievous things, and the catholic Church has endured many insults and injustices; but he who endures to the end will be saved. Therefore, even if they dare to do still more against you, let affliction be joy to you; for such sufferings are a share in martyrdom, and such confessions and tortures of yours are not without reward, but you will receive the prizes from God. Wherefore strive above all for the sound faith and for the innocence of your bishop Athanasius, our fellow minister. For we have not kept silent nor neglected to secure your peace of mind; we have taken thought and have done what the law of love requires. For we suffer with your suffering brothers and count their sufferings our own.

Therefore we have made representations and asked the most pious and God-loving emperors that their clemency would order the release of those who are still suffering and oppressed, and would command that none of the magistrates, whose concern should be only public affairs, should judge clergy, or in future attempt anything at all against the brothers on the pretext of the churches, but that each may live as he prays and wishes, without any persecution, without any violence and greed, and follow the catholic and apostolic faith in quiet and peace. As for Gregory, who is said to have been appointed lawlessly by heretics and sent by them to your city—let your unanimity know this too—he has been deposed by the judgment of the whole holy synod, although indeed he was never regarded as having been a bishop at all. Rejoice, then, receiving back your own bishop Athanasius; for it was for this that we sent him away in peace. Hence we exhort all who, either from fear or through the intrigues of certain people, communicated with Gregory, that now, reminded, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they cease from that abominable communion with him and henceforth unite themselves to the catholic Church. [40] (Since we have learned that Aphthonius, Athanasius the son of Capito, Paul, and Plution, our fellow presbyters, also suffered from the plotting of Eusebius and his party, so that some experienced exile and others escaped threats of death, for this reason we thought it necessary to inform you of this too; and we have released them as innocent, knowing that everything done by Eusebius and his party against those they plotted against has turned out … It would have been fitting for your bishop, our fellow minister Athanasius, to inform you, his own people, about them as his own; but since, for fuller testimony, he wished the holy synod too to write to you, we did not delay but hastened to let you know, so that you too may receive them as we have done. For they also deserve praise, because for their piety toward Christ they too were counted worthy to suffer insult from the heretics.) What the holy synod decreed against the leaders of the Arian heresy, who have offended against you and against the other churches, you will learn from what is appended; we have sent it to you so that from this too you may know that the catholic Church does not overlook those who offend against her.” “The holy synod assembled by the grace of God at Sardica, to the bishops and fellow ministers in Egypt and Libya, beloved brothers in the Lord, greeting. [41] Even before we received the letter of your piety we were not unaware, but it was plain to us, that the champions of the abominable heresy of the Arians were contriving many terrible things, to the destruction of their own souls rather than against the Church. For this was their craft and villainy, and this deadly purpose they have always held: to be zealous to drive out and persecute all who are anywhere of the right belief and hold the teaching of the catholic Church handed down by the Fathers. Some they subjected to false charges, others they sent into exile, others they wore down with punishments themselves. Indeed they were zealous to seize by violence and tyranny our brother and fellow bishop Athanasius in his innocence, and for this reason the judgment given by them was neither in good faith nor just at all. Therefore, having no confidence in what they had staged or in what they had bandied about against him, but seeing that they could have no true proofs of these things, though present in the city of Sardica they would not come to the synod of all the holy bishops. From this the judgment of our brother and fellow bishop Julius has proved manifest and just; for he did not deliberate without examination, but decided with care, so that there should be no hesitation at all about communion with our brother Athanasius. For he had eighty bishops as true witnesses; and he had this just ground too, that through our beloved brothers his presbyters and by letters he outmaneuvered Eusebius and his party, who relied not on judgment but rather on force. Hence all the bishops everywhere confirmed communion with Athanasius because of his innocence. And let your love consider this too: when he came to the holy synod assembled at Sardica, then, as we said before, the Easterners were reminded both by letters and by unwritten messages, and were summoned by us to be present. But they, condemned by their conscience, began to flee from trial with unseemly pretexts; for they demanded that the innocent man be expelled from our communion as guilty, not seeing how unseemly, or rather impossible, this was. And the minutes taken in the Mareotis by certain utterly wicked and abandoned young men, whom no one would have trusted even with the lowest rank of the clergy, have been shown to have been drawn up one-sidedly. For neither our brother Athanasius the bishop nor Macarius the presbyter, whom they accused, was present. And yet the questioning conducted by them, or rather the prompting, was full of every shame: now pagans, now catechumens were questioned, not so that they might say what they knew, but so that they might lie as they had been taught by them. And when your presbyters, concerned in the absence of your bishop, wished to be present at the inquiry, to show the truth and refute the lies, no account was taken of them; they did not permit you to be present, but even drove you out with insult. And although the false accusation is perfectly plain to all from this too, yet on reading the minutes we found the utterly wicked Ischyras himself, who received from them, as the wage of his false accusation, the supposed title of the episcopate, refuting his own false accusation. For Ischyras himself declared in the very minutes that at that hour, when Macarius …

That false accusation and slander, too, which they brought afterwards has become plain to all. For they said and cried out that Athanasius had committed murder and had killed one Arsenius, a Meletian bishop; over this they played their part with feigned groans and fabricated tears, and demanded that the body of the living man be given up as though he were dead. But their sophistries did not go unrecognized; for all knew that the man was alive and numbered among the living. And when these men, ready for anything, saw themselves refuted in these lies (for Arsenius himself, alive, showed that he had not been killed and was not dead), still they did not keep quiet, but sought other false accusations in addition to the former ones, so as to slander the man by fresh contrivances. What then, beloved? Our brother Athanasius was not troubled, but again with great boldness challenged them on these points too; and we too prayed and urged them to come to the trial and, if they could, to refute him. O great greed! O terrible arrogance! Or rather, if the truth must be told, O evil and guilty conscience! For this has been made plain to all. Therefore, beloved brothers, we remind and exhort you above all to hold the right faith of the catholic Church. You have suffered many terrible and grievous things, and the catholic Church has endured many insults and injustices; but he who endures to the end will be saved. Therefore, even if they dare to do still more against you, let affliction be joy to you; for such sufferings are a share in martyrdom, and such confessions and tortures of yours are not without reward, but you will receive the prizes from God. Wherefore strive above all for the sound faith and for the innocence of your bishop Athanasius, our fellow minister. For we have not kept silent nor neglected to secure your peace of mind; we have taken thought and have done what the law of love requires. For we suffer with our suffering brothers and count their sufferings our own, and we have mingled our tears with your tears. And not you alone have suffered, brothers; many others of our fellow ministers too have come and lamented these things.

Therefore we have made representations and asked the most pious and God-loving emperors that their clemency would order the release of those who are still suffering and oppressed, and would command that none of the magistrates, whose concern should be only public affairs, should judge clergy, or in future attempt anything at all against the brothers on the pretext of the churches, but that each may live as he prays and wishes, without any persecution, without any violence and greed, and follow the catholic and apostolic faith in quiet and peace. As for Gregory, who is said to have been appointed lawlessly by the heretics and sent by them to your city—let your unanimity know this too—he has been deposed by the judgment of the whole holy synod, although indeed he was never regarded as having been a bishop at all. Rejoice, then, receiving back your own bishop Athanasius; for it was for this that we sent him away in peace. Hence we exhort all who, from fear or through the intrigues of certain people, communicated with Gregory, that now, reminded, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they cease from that abominable communion with him and henceforth unite themselves to the catholic Church. What the holy synod decreed against Theodore, Narcissus, Stephen, Acacius, Menophantus, Ursacius, Valens, and George, the leaders of the Arian heresy, who have offended against you and against the other churches, you will learn from what is appended. For we have sent it to you, so that … “The holy synod assembled by the grace of God at Sardica, to the bishops and fellow ministers of the catholic Church everywhere, beloved brothers in the Lord, greeting.

The Ariomaniacs have often dared many things against the servants of God who guard the right faith; for, putting forward a spurious teaching, they have tried to drive out the orthodox; and they have now risen up so far against the faith that it has not escaped even the piety of the most religious emperors. Therefore, with the grace of God working with them, the most pious emperors themselves assembled us from various provinces and cities and granted that this holy synod be held in the city of Sardica, so that all discord might be removed and, every false belief being driven out, piety toward Christ alone might be kept by all. For the bishops of the East also came, urged by the most pious emperors, chiefly because of what they had often bandied about concerning our beloved brothers and fellow ministers Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, and Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra in Galatia. For perhaps their slanders have reached you too, and perhaps they have tried to unsettle your ears also, so that you might believe what they say against the innocent, and they might hide the suspicion of their own wicked heresy. But they were not allowed to do this for long. For there is One who presides over the churches, the Lord, who endured death for them and for all of us, and through himself has given all of us the ascent into heaven. Long ago, then, when Eusebius and his party wrote to Julius, our fellow minister and bishop of the church of the Romans, against our aforesaid fellow ministers—namely Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas—the bishops from other parts also wrote, testifying to the innocence of our fellow minister Athanasius, and that what had been done by Eusebius and his party was nothing but lies and full of false accusation. And although their false accusation was plainly shown both by their failure to appear when summoned by our beloved fellow minister Julius and by what Julius himself wrote—for they would have come if they had had confidence in what they had done and practiced against our fellow ministers—nevertheless, by what they have done at this holy and great synod, they have shown their plot more plainly still. For when they had come to the city of Sardica and saw our brothers Athanasius, Marcellus, Asclepas, and the others, they were afraid to come to trial; and though summoned not once nor twice but many times, they did not obey the summonses. And yet all of us bishops had assembled, and above all the most venerable old man Hosius, who for his age, his confession, and the great toil he has endured is worthy of all reverence; we waited and urged them to come to trial, so that what they had bandied about and written against our fellow ministers in their absence they might prove in their presence. But they did not come when summoned, as we said before, showing by this too their false accusation, and all but proclaiming by their refusal the plot and conspiracy they had made. For those who have confidence in what they say can also stand by it face to face. But since they did not come, we think that no one henceforth is unaware …

For they fled, beloved brothers, not only because of their false accusation against these men, but because they saw that those who charged them with various offenses had come. For chains and irons were produced; men had come back from exile; fellow ministers had come, kinsmen of those still kept in exile; friends of those who died through them were present; and, greatest of all, bishops were present, one of whom produced the irons and chains he had worn on their account, while others testified to the death caused by their slander. For they had come to such a pitch of madness as even to attempt to kill bishops; and they would have killed them, had they not escaped their hands. Our fellow minister of blessed memory, Theodulus, died while fleeing their slander, for through their slander he had been ordered to be put to death. Others showed wounds from swords; others lamented that they had endured hunger at their hands. And these things were testified not by ordinary people, but whole churches were there, on whose behalf those who came as envoys told of soldiers with drawn swords, mobs with clubs, threats of judges, and the submission of forged letters. For letters were read that Theognius and his party had forged against our fellow ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, in order to stir up the emperors against them; and those who were then deacons of Theognius proved it. Besides these things, they told of the stripping of virgins, burnings of churches, imprisonments of ministers—and all for no other reason than the abominable heresy of the Ariomaniacs; for those who refused communion with them were forced to experience these things. Seeing this, then, they were in a strait as to what to choose: they were ashamed to confess what they had done, yet, because these things could no longer be hidden, they came to the city of Sardica, so that by their arrival they might seem to clear themselves of the suspicion of having offended. But seeing those whom they had falsely accused and those who had suffered at their hands, and having the accusers and the proofs before their eyes, they would not come when summoned—although our fellow ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas spoke with great boldness, lamented, pressed them, challenged them, and promised not only to refute the false accusation but also to show what offenses they had committed against their churches. But they were seized with such fear of conscience that they fled, by their flight proved their false accusation, and by their running away confessed their offenses.

Although, then, their bad character and false accusation are shown not only by their earlier conduct but also by this, nevertheless, so that they might not be able to find in their flight a pretext for further villainy, we resolved to examine what they had staged according to the reason of truth; and having done so, we found them false accusers from their deeds as well, and that they had made nothing else than a plot against our fellow ministers. For Arsenius, whom they said had been murdered by Athanasius, is alive and is numbered among the living; and from this it appears that what they bandied about on the other matters too was invention. And since they bandied about a cup as having been broken by Macarius, the presbyter of Athanasius, those who came from Alexandria, the Mareotis, and the other places testified that none of this had happened; and the bishops of Egypt, writing to our fellow minister Julius, affirmed fully that there had not been even any such suspicion there at all. Besides, the minutes they say they have against him were evidently drawn up one-sidedly; and even in these minutes pagans and catechumens were questioned. One catechumen, when questioned, said that he was inside when Macarius burst into the place; and another, when questioned, said that Ischyras, about whom they make so much noise, was lying sick in a cell at the time; so that it appears from this that no celebration of the mysteries took place at all, since catechumens were inside and Ischyras was not present but lying sick. Moreover, the utterly wicked Ischyras himself, who lied in saying that Athanasius had burned some of the divine books and was refuted, confessed that he was sick and lying down at the time Macarius was there, so that from this too he is a false accuser. Indeed, as the wage of this false accusation they have given this Ischyras the title of a bishopric, though he was not even a presbyter. For two presbyters who were once with Meletius but were afterwards received by Alexander of blessed memory, formerly bishop of Alexandria, and are now with Athanasius, came and testified that this man had never been a presbyter of Meletius, and that Meletius never had a church or a minister in the Mareotis at all. And yet the man who was not even a presbyter …

The book of our fellow minister Marcellus was also read, and the villainy of Eusebius and his party was discovered. For what Marcellus had said by way of inquiry, they slandered as though he affirmed it. So what followed and what preceded the questions was read, and the man’s faith was found to be correct. For he did not, as they asserted, give the Word of God a beginning from holy Mary, nor say that his kingdom has an end; on the contrary, he wrote that his kingdom is without beginning and without end. Our fellow minister Asclepas also produced minutes drawn up at Antioch in the presence of his accusers and of Eusebius of Caesarea, and from the sentences of the bishops who judged him he showed that he was innocent. With good reason, then, beloved brothers, did they not obey when summoned many times; with good reason did they flee. For, driven by their conscience, they confirmed their false accusations by flight, and made credible against themselves what the accusers who were present said and demonstrated. Since, then, besides all this they have not only received those who were long ago deposed and expelled for the heresy of Arius, but have even advanced them to a higher rank, deacons to the presbyterate and presbyters to the episcopate, for no other reason than to be able to sow and spread their impiety and corrupt the pious faith—

Their leaders now, after Eusebius and his party, are Theodore of Heraclea, Narcissus of Neronias in Cilicia, Stephen of Antioch, George of Laodicea, Acacius of Caesarea in Palestine, Menophantus of Ephesus in Asia, Ursacius of Singidunum in Moesia, and Valens of Mursa in Pannonia. For these did not allow those who came with them from the East either to enter the holy synod or to approach the Church of God at all. On their way to Sardica they held synods among themselves in various places and made compacts with threats, that when they came to Sardica they would not come to the trial at all, nor meet together with the holy synod, but would only come, make a show of their arrival as a formality, and quickly flee. This we were able to learn from our fellow ministers Macarius of Palestine and Asterius of Arabia, who came with them and withdrew from their unbelief. For these men came to the holy synod, lamented the violence they had suffered, and said that nothing was done rightly among them, adding that there were many there who held to the right belief and were prevented by them from coming here, through threats and promises against those who wished to withdraw from them …

Since, then, we ought not to pass over in silence nor leave untold the false accusations, the chains, the murders, the blows, the plots with forged letters, the outrages, the stripping of virgins, the exiles, the destruction of churches, the burnings, the translations from small cities to greater dioceses, and above all the abominable Arian heresy that has risen up through them against the right faith—for this reason we have declared our beloved brothers and fellow ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, and those who minister to the Lord with them, to be innocent and pure, and we have written to the diocese of each, so that the people of each church may know the innocence of their own bishop, and hold him as bishop and look for his return. As for those who have come into their churches like wolves—Gregory at Alexandria, Basil at Ancyra, and Quintianus at Gaza—they are not even to call them bishops, nor have any communion at all with them, nor receive letters from them nor write to them. And as for Theodore, Narcissus, Acacius, Stephen, Ursacius, Valens, Menophantus, and George—George, though from fear he did not come from the East, yet because he had been deposed by Alexander of blessed memory, and because both he and these others belong to the madness of Arius, and because of the charges brought against them—the holy synod has unanimously deposed them from the episcopate. And we have judged that they are not only not bishops, but are not worthy even of communion with the faithful. For those who separate the Son and estrange the Word from the Father ought to be separated from the catholic Church and to be strangers to the name of Christians. Let them therefore be anathema to you, because they have peddled the word of truth. It is an apostolic precept: “If anyone preaches to you a gospel other than what you received, let him be anathema.” Command that no one communicate with them, for there is no fellowship of light with darkness; keep all these far away, for there is no harmony of Christ with Belial. And take care, beloved, neither to write to them nor to receive letters from them. Be zealous rather, brothers and fellow ministers, as being present in spirit at our synod, to add your votes by your signatures, so that unanimity may be preserved by all our fellow ministers everywhere. May divine providence keep you sanctified and rejoicing …”

Hosius of Spain; Julius of Rome, through the presbyters Archidamus and Philoxenus; Protogenes of Sardica; Gaudentius, Macedonius, Severus, Praetextatus, Ursicius, Lucillus, Eugenius, Vitalius, Calepodius, Florentius, Bassus, Vincentius, Stercorius, Palladius, Domitianus, Chalbis, Gerontius, Protasius, Eulogus, Porphyrius, Dioscorus, Zosimus, Januarius, Zosimus, Alexander, Eutychius, Socrates, Diodorus, Martyrius, Eutherius, Eucarpus, Athenodorus, Irenaeus, Julianus, Alypius, Jonas, Aetius, Restitutus, Marcellinus, Aprianus, Vitalius, Valens, Hermogenes, Castus, Dometianus, Fortunatius, Marcus, Annianus, Heliodorus, Musaeus, Asterius, Paregorius, Plutarchus, Hymenaeus, Athanasius, Lucius, Amantius, Arius, Asclepius, Dionysius, Maximus, Tryphon, Alexander, Antigonus, Aelianus, Petrus, Symphorus, Musonius, Eutychus, Philologius, Spudasius, Zosimus, Patricius, Adolius, Sapricius. From Gaul: Maximianus, Verissimus, Victurus, Valentinus, Desiderius, Eulogius, Sarbatius, Dyscolius, Superior, Mercurius, Declopetus, Eusebius, Severinus, Satyrus, Martinus, Paulus, Optatianus, Nicasius, Victor, Sempronius, Valerinus, Pacatus, Jesses, Ariston, Simplicius, Metianus, Amantus, Amillianus, Justinianus, Victorinus, Satornilus, Abundantius, Donatianus, Maximus. From Africa: Nessus, Gratus, Megasius, Coldaeus, Rogatianus, Consortius, Rufinus, Manninus, Cessilianus, Herennianus, Marianus, Valerius, Dynamius, Mizonius, Justus, Celestinus, Cyprianus, Victor, Honoratus, Marinus, Pantagathus, Felix, Baudius, Liber, Capito, Minervalis, Cosmus, Victor, Hesperion, Felix, Severianus, Optantius, Hesperus, Fidentius, Salustius, Paschasius. From Egypt: Liburnius, Amantius, Felix, Ischyrammon, Romulus, Tiberinus, Consortius, Heraclides, Fortunatius, Dioscorus, Fortunatianus, Bastamon, Datyllus, Andreas, Serenus, Arius, Theodorus, Evagoras, Helias, Timotheus, Orion, Andronicus, Paphnutius, Hermeias, Arabion, Psenosiris, Apollonius, Muis, Sarapampon, Philon, Philippus, Apollonius, Paphnutius, Paulus, Dioscorus, Nilammon, Serenus, Aquila, Aotas, Harpocration, Isaac, Theodorus, Apollos, Ammonianus, Nilus, Heraclius, Arion, Athas, Arsenius, Agathammon, Theon, Apollonius, Helias, Paninuthius, Andragathius, Nemesion, Sarapion, Ammonius, Ammenius, Xenon, Gerontius, Quintus, Leonides, Sempronianus, Philon, Heraclides, Hieracys, Rufus, Pasophius, Macedonius, Apollodorus, Flavianus, Psaes, Syrus, Apphus, Sarapion, Esaias, Paphnutius, Timotheus, Elurion, Gaius, Musaeus, Pistus, Heraclammon, Heron, Helchias, Anagamphus, Apollonius, Gaius, Philotas, Paulus, Tithoes, Eudaemon, Julius. Those in the Canalis of Italy: Probatius, Viator, Facundinus, Joses, Numedius, Sperantius, Severus, Heraclianus, Faustinus, Antoninus, Heraclius, Vitalius, Felix, Crispinus, Paulianus. From Cyprus: Auxibius, Photius, Gerasius, Aphrodisius, Irenicus, Nunechius, Athanasius, Macedonius, Triphyllius, Spyridon, Norbanus, Sosicrates. From Palestine: Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodosius, Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Claudius, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Petrus. These, then, are those who signed what was written by the synod; but there are very many others who wrote on our behalf even before the synod, from Asia, Phrygia, and Isauria, and their names are given in their own letters: about 63; in all, 344.

When the most God-loving emperor Constantius learned these things, he sent for us, having written privately to his brother Constans of blessed memory, and to us once, twice, and three times, as follows. “Constantius Victor Augustus to Athanasius. The humanity of our clemency has not allowed you to be tossed and battered for long by the wild waves of the sea; our untiring piety has not overlooked you, stripped of your ancestral hearth, deprived of your own possessions, and wandering in savage and pathless places. And although I long put off writing the purpose of my mind, expecting that you would come to us of your own accord and ask relief for your labors, nevertheless, since perhaps fear hindered the carrying out of your intention, we have therefore sent to your firmness a letter full of bounty, so that you may hasten without fear to present yourself quickly before us, in order that, having obtained your desire and experienced our humanity, you may be restored to your own. For this reason I have also asked my lord and brother Constans Victor Augustus on your behalf to give you leave to come, so that …” Second letter. “Although we indicated very plainly in a previous letter that you should come without anxiety to our court, since we greatly wish to send you back to your own, nevertheless we have now also given this letter to your firmness, in which we urge you, without any distrust or fear, to take the public conveyances and hasten to us, so that you may be able to obtain what you desire.” Third letter. “When we were staying at Edessa, in the presence of your presbyters, it was decided that a presbyter should be sent to you and that you should hasten to come to our court, so that after seeing our face you might go at once to Alexandria. But since a very long time has passed since you received a letter from us and you have not come, we have been eager to remind you now too, so that even now you may hasten to come to us quickly, and so be able both to be restored to your homeland and to obtain your prayer. For a fuller account we have sent Achitas the deacon, from whom you will be able to learn the intention of our soul, and that you can obtain what you pray for.” This, then, is what the emperor wrote; and I, on receiving it, went up to Rome to take leave of the church and the bishop, for I was at Aquileia when this was written. The church was filled with all joy, and Bishop Julius, rejoicing with us at the return, writes to the church; and as we passed through, the bishops one after another sent us on our way in peace. And what was written is this. “Julius to the presbyters, deacons, and people dwelling at Alexandria.

I too rejoice with you, beloved brothers, that you now see before your eyes the fruit of your faith. For one may truly see this in the case of my brother and fellow bishop Athanasius, whom God restores to you because of the purity of his life and because of your prayers. From this one may see that you have always offered up to God prayers pure and full of love. For, mindful of the heavenly promises and of the conduct that leads to them, in which you were trained by the teaching of my aforesaid brother, you knew truly, and grasped by the right faith that is in you, that he would not be cut off from you for ever whom in your most God-fearing souls you have always held as present. So I need not use many words in writing to you; for whatever I might say to you, your faith has anticipated, and by the grace of God has fulfilled the common prayer of us all. I rejoice with you, then—I say it again—that you have kept your souls invincible in the faith; and I rejoice too with my brother Athanasius himself, that, though … suffering grievous things, he has not for one hour forgotten your love and your longing. For though in body he seemed for a time to be torn from you, yet in spirit he lived always as one with you.

He returns to you, then, more glorious now than when he departed from you. For if fire tests even precious materials, gold and silver, for purity, what could one say worthily of so great a man, who, having overcome the dangers of so many afflictions, is restored to you, shown to be innocent not by us only but by the whole synod? Receive, then, beloved brothers, with all godly glory and joy, your bishop Athanasius, together with those who have shared in his so many labors; and rejoice in obtaining your prayers, you who … your shepherd, longing, so to speak, and thirsting for …

With these I came, and the Victor Constantius received me kindly … “Constantius Victor Maximus Augustus to the bishops and presbyters of the catholic Church. The most reverend … has not been left without the grace of God … ” Second letter. “… any discord or faction be stirred up among you, contrary to the good fortune of our times. That this should be wholly far from you we wish; and we exhort you to persevere, as you are accustomed, in your prayers, using him constantly, as was said before, as your champion and helper before God; so that, when such a purpose of yours passes into the prayers of all, even those of the pagans who still cling to the error of idols may hasten most eagerly to the knowledge of the holy religion, beloved. Again, therefore, we exhort you to abide by what has been said: receive gladly the bishop sent back by the vote of the Almighty and by our judgment, and regard him as welcome with all your soul and mind; for this befits you and is consistent with our gentleness. For in order that every pretext for disturbance and faction may be taken away from those who are wilfully wicked, we have commanded your magistrates by letter to subject to the vengeance of the laws all whom they find seditious. Considering, therefore, both our judgment, which accords with that of the Almighty, and our concern for you and for concord, and the punishment for the disorderly, observe what is fitting and suitable to the ordinance of the holy religion, treat the aforesaid with all reverence and honor, and be zealous to offer up prayers together with him for yourselves and for the good order of all life to God, the Father of all.”

Having written this, he ordered that what he had formerly written against me, through the slander of Eusebius and his party, be removed and expunged from the records of the duke and of the prefect of Egypt; and Eusebius the decurion was sent and took it out of the records. And what was written is this: … the immunity which they always had, which the other clergy also have, so that, having it themselves too, they may rejoice.

Sent on my way thus, and passing through Syria, I met the bishops of Palestine; and having held a synod at Jerusalem they received us kindly, themselves sent us on our way in peace, and wrote to the church and the bishops as follows. “The holy synod assembled at Jerusalem to the fellow ministers in Egypt and Libya, and to the presbyters and deacons and … at Alexandria, most longed-for brothers, greeting in the Lord. We are not able to give worthy thanks to the God of all, beloved, for the wonders he has … always done, and has done now with your church, restoring to you your shepherd and lord, our fellow minister Athanasius. For who ever hoped to see with his eyes what you now enjoy in fact? Truly your prayers have been heard by the God of all, who cares for his Church and has looked on your tears and laments, and therefore has heard your petitions. For you were like sheep scattered and harassed, having no shepherd; therefore the true Shepherd from heaven, who cares for his own sheep, has visited you, restoring to you him whom you desire. For see, we too, doing everything for the peace of the Church and breathing together with your love, have been the first to embrace him; and having entered into communion with you through him, we send you these greetings and our prayers of thanksgiving, so that you may know that we are united with him and with you in the bond of love. You ought also to pray for the piety of the most God-loving emperors, who, learning of your longing for him and of his innocence, have deigned to restore him to you with all honor. Receive him, then, with open hands, and be zealous to offer up to God, who has granted you these things, the prayers of thanksgiving owed for this, so that you may always rejoice with God and glorify our Lord in Christ Jesus our Lord, through whom be glory to the Father for ever. Amen.” The names of those who signed, though I mentioned them before, I have written now also: they are Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodorus, Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Macrinus, Petrus, Claudius.

Seeing this, Ursacius and Valens at last condemned themselves; and going up to Rome they confessed and repented, asked pardon, and wrote to Julius, bishop of elder Rome, and to us as follows. The copies were sent to me by Paulinus, bishop of Trier. Translated from the Latin, the letter to Julius on the repentance of Ursacius and Valens: “Ursacius and Valens to the most blessed lord, Pope Julius. Since it is established that we previously put forward in letters many grave charges against Bishop Athanasius, and, when called to account by the letters of your goodness, were unable to give an account of the matter we had reported, we confess before your goodness, in the presence of all our brothers the presbyters, that everything that previously reached your ears concerning the name of the aforesaid Athanasius is false and fabricated, and wholly foreign to him. For this reason we gladly lay hold of communion with the aforesaid Athanasius, especially since your godliness, according to its inborn goodness, has deigned to pardon our error. We confess also that, if ever the Easterners, or even Athanasius himself, should maliciously wish to summon us to trial on this matter, we will not go without your consent. And the heretic Arius and his defenders, who say, ‘There was once when the Son was not,’ and ‘the Son is from what is not,’ and who deny that Christ is God, Son of God before the ages, we anathematize now and always, as we did also in our former petition presented at Milan. Having written this with our own hand, we confess again that the Arian heresy … I, being present, signed this; and likewise Valens.” “Ursacius and Valens, bishops, to the lord brother Athanasius, bishop. Having found an opportunity through our brother and fellow presbyter Musaeus, who is coming to your charity, beloved brother, we greet you very warmly through him from Aquileia, and pray that you may read our letter in good health. You will give us confidence too if you also make us a return in writing. Know that we are at peace with you and in ecclesiastical communion; and the greeting in this letter is the proof of it. May divine providence keep …” This, then, is what was written, and this is the vote and judgment of the bishops in our favor. But that they did not act to do a favor, nor under compulsion from anyone, I wish, with your leave, to recount the matter from the very beginning, so that you may know that the bishops wrote such things rightly, justly, and of their own will, while Valens and Ursacius, though late, confessed the truth.

Peter was bishop among us before the persecution, and in the persecution he also suffered martyrdom. He deposed Meletius, who was called a bishop in Egypt and had been convicted of many lawless acts and of sacrificing, in a common synod of the bishops. But Meletius did not appeal to another synod, nor try to make his defense to those who came after; he made a schism, and those of his party are called to this day Meletians instead of Christians. He at once began to revile the bishops: he slandered first Peter himself, then Achillas after him, and after Achillas, Alexander. This he did craftily, having learned it from Absalom, so that, since he was ashamed because of his deposition, he might at least deceive the simple by his slanders. While Meletius was doing this, the Arian heresy also arose. But at the synod of Nicaea the heresy was anathematized and the Arians were expelled, while the Meletians were received on whatever terms (it is not necessary to name the reason now). Five months had not yet passed when Alexander of blessed memory died; and the Meletians, who ought to have kept quiet and been thankful that they had been received at all, like dogs that do not forget what they have vomited, again troubled the churches. Eusebius, then, learning this, and being the leader of the Arian heresy, sends and buys the Meletians with many promises; he becomes their friend in secret, and arranges with them for the occasion he wished. At first he sent urging me to receive Arius and his party; he threatened me in unwritten messages, but in writing he made requests. And when I refused, saying that those who had invented a heresy against the truth and had been anathematized by the ecumenical synod ought not to be received, he caused the emperor too, Constantine of blessed memory, to write to me, with a threat that unless I received Arius and his party I should suffer what I suffered before and have suffered now. This, then, is the part of the letter, and the palatines Syncletius and Gaudentius were those who brought it: … [60] … the presbyters were Apis and Macarius; and the emperor writes condemning Ision and ordering me to come to him. And what was written is this: … But Eusebius, learning of it, persuades them to wait; and when I arrived, they accuse Macarius again about the cup, and me not with an ordinary slander, but the highest of all: that, having turned against the emperor, I had sent a chest of gold to one Philumenus. The emperor heard us on this too at Psammathia, and they, as usual, were condemned and thrown out; and as we were returning, he writes to the people as follows: “Constantine Maximus Augustus to the people of the catholic Church at Alexandria.

Beloved brothers, I greet you, calling on God, the greatest witness of my intention, and on the Only-begotten, the author of our law, who presides over the life of all and hates dissensions. But what am I to say? That I am in good health? Yet I could enjoy better strength if you loved one another, having shaken off the hatreds through which, because of the storms raised by the quarrelsome, we have abandoned the harbor of love. Alas for this perversity! What mishaps of confused envy are stirred up every day! So have the slanders migrated to the people of God. Where, then, has the faith of justice withdrawn, since we are wrapped in such a mist of darkness that, not only through manifold error but also through the faults of the ungrateful, we tolerate those who reward folly, and, though we perceive those who repel gentleness and truth, we pay no heed? What is this dreadful thing in our wickedness? We do not refute our enemies, but follow the band of robbers through which the deceit of destruction has easily made itself a road, so to speak, with no one opposing. Is there no perception, not even for the sake of the common nature of all, if we have neglected the commands of the law? But someone will say that love is found by nature. Why then do we, who have the law of God besides our good nature, put up with the annoyance and uproar of enemies who are kindled, it seems, as if by firebrands? We do not see, though we have eyes, nor perceive, though we are fenced about with the senses of the law. What terror has seized our life, that we so neglect ourselves, and that while God reminds us? Is not the evil unbearable? Not to regard … as enemies; those men, and they rebuke us from the opposite side.

With what madness they do this I ask you to consider. For fools have their wickedness lying on their tongue. These men carry about leaden passions, so as to strike themselves in return and lead us to profit from their own punishment. He who has taught well is judged an enemy; while he who has put forward the wickedness of envy wrongfully seizes the gentleness of the people, plunders it, consumes it, adorns and composes himself with praise though he wishes evil, overturns the truth, and cheats faith, until he finds a den and hiding place for his own conscience. This perversity makes them wretched, when they rashly accept themselves though they are unworthy, saying: “Alas for these evils! That man is older, and that one a boy; the honor touches me, it is owed to me, it has been taken from him; for I will snatch all to myself and try to destroy him by authority.” A splendid outcry of madness—to see ranks and assemblies, or, so to speak, a high-priesthood of these absurd factions! O our absurdity, so to speak! Is there in the Church of God a display of folly? Are they not then ashamed? Do they not blame themselves? Are they not stung in their souls, so that now at least they may seem to think something worthy, in opposition to deceit and quarrelsomeness? It is only the violence of envy, propped up by its own poisons. The wicked have had no power against your bishop. Believe me, brothers, they have been eager for nothing else than that, having worn out our time, they may have no room for repentance in this life. Help yourselves, then, I beg you; love our affection, and with all your strength drive away those who desire to destroy the grace of our concord; and looking to God, love one another. For I received your bishop Athanasius gladly, and so addressed him, being convinced that he is a man of God. It is yours to understand these things, not mine to judge. I thought it necessary that the most reverend Athanasius himself should convey my greeting to you, considering the care of his gentleness, which, not unworthily of my peaceable faith, holds always to the good of saving purpose, and will have the reasoning that urges it on. May God preserve you, beloved brothers.” This is what Constantine wrote.

After these things had been done, the Meletians kept quiet for a little while, but are provoked again, and afterwards adopt this plan, eager to please those who had hired them. The Mareotis is a country district of Alexandria; in it Meletius was never able to make a schism. While, then, the churches were in their appointed places, and all the presbyters held services in them, and the people were at peace, one Ischyras, so called, who was not a cleric and was wicked in character besides, attempted to lead astray those in his own village, saying that he was a cleric. Learning this, the presbyter of the place reports it to me while I was going round the churches, and I send Macarius the presbyter with him to summon Ischyras. Finding him sick and lying in a cell, they charge his father to instruct his son not to attempt any such thing as had been reported of him. But when he rose from his sickness, being restrained by his own family and his father, he flees to the Meletians; and they communicate with Eusebius and his party, and so the false accusation is put together by them: that Macarius broke a cup, and that a certain bishop Arsenius had been murdered by us. And they hide Arsenius, so that by not appearing he might be thought to have been killed; and they carried about a hand, so it is said, as though he had been hacked to pieces. And Ischyras, whom they did not even know, they begin to talk up as a presbyter, so that in speaking about the cup he might be able to deceive. But Ischyras, being blamed by his own people, came to us lamenting and saying that nothing such as they had spread abroad had been done by Macarius, but that he had been prompted by the Meletians to invent such an abuse. And he writes this: “To the blessed Pope Athanasius, Ischyras, greeting in the Lord.

Since I came to you, my lord bishop, wishing to belong to the Church, and you blamed me for what I said before, as though I had entered into it of my own will, I therefore present this defense to you in writing, so that you may know that violence was done to me and blows were laid on me by Isaac and Heraclides, and Isaac of Letopolis, and by those with them. And I, taking God as witness to this, declare in my defense that I know of none of the things they have said to have been done by you. For neither was there any breaking of a cup, nor was the holy table overturned; but they drove me to all this by laying violence on me. This defense I have made to you and presented in writing, choosing and claiming to be one of those who assemble under you. I pray for your health in the Lord. I have presented this, my own hand, to you the bishop Atha[nasius] …” … “To my lord, beloved son and … fellow minister Athanasius, Alexander, bishop, greeting in the Lord.

I congratulate the excellent Sarapion, who strives so hard to adorn himself with holy ways and to honor the memory of his father with praise. For, as the holy Scripture says somewhere, his father died and is as though he had not died; for he left behind a memorial in his life. How I was disposed toward Sozon, worthy of remembrance, you yourself, my lord, are not unaware, knowing my holy memory of him and the good character of the young man. I have received only one letter from your reverence, the one brought by this young man; I tell you this so that you may know it, my lord. Our beloved fellow minister Macarius delighted me by writing from Constantinople how Archaph the false accuser was disgraced, having proclaimed before all a living man as murdered. That he will receive due retribution for what he dared from the just Judge, together with his like-minded crew, the truthful Scriptures proclaim. May the Lord of all preserve you for a very long time, my lord, most kind in every respect.”

That Arsenius was hidden in order that these men might invent his death is testified by those who lived with him. For when we searched for him we found him; and one of them wrote to John, who was playing the part in this false accusation, as follows: “Pinnes, presbyter of the monastery of Ptemencyrcis in the Antaeopolite nome, greeting. I want you to know that Athanasius sent his deacon into the Thebaid to search out everything concerning Arsenius. First Pecysius the presbyter, Silvanus the brother of Helias, Tapenacerameus, and Paul, a monk from Hypsele, were found and confessed that Arsenius is with us. When we learned this, we had him put into a boat and sail to the lower parts with Helias the monk. Then suddenly, after this, the deacon came up again with some others and came to our monastery on account of the same Arsenius; they did not find him, because, as we said, we had sent him to the lower parts; but they brought me down to Alexandria with the monk Helias who had taken him away, and presented us to the duke; and I could not deny it, but confessed that he lives and was not killed; and the monk who had taken him away confessed the same. Therefore I make these things known to you, Father, so that you may not decide to accuse Athanasius; for I said that he lives and was hidden with us; and all this has become known in Egypt and can no longer be hidden. I, Paphnutius, monk of the same monastery, who wrote the letter, greet you warmly. I pray for your health.” And what the emperor too wrote, on learning that Arsenius had been found alive, is this: “Constantine Victor Maximus Augustus to Pope Athanasius.

Having read the letter of your prudence, I was minded, in writing back to your firmness, to urge you to strive to lead the people of God to good order and compassion. For these things above all I hold foremost in my own soul: to practice truth, always to keep justice in my mind, and to rejoice most in those who walk the right road of life. But concerning those men deserving every curse—the Meletians, I mean, most perverse and lawless—who have by now become numb in their stupidity, and stir up absurdities only by envy, turmoil, and uproar, displaying their lawless mind, I will say this. You see how the men whom they said had been killed by the sword are now in our midst and enjoy life. What prejudgment could be worse against their case, so plainly and clearly brought, than that those whom they said had been killed are alive and enjoy life, and will of course be able to speak for themselves? To the charges of those Meletians this too was added: they affirmed that you burst in with lawless violence, seized a cup lying in the most holy place, and broke it. Truly no charge could be greater than this, nor any outrage so grave, if this had in fact been done and sinned in this way. But what accusation is this? What shifting, variation, and inconsistency is there in the matter, that they now transfer the charge of this crime to another person? This shows, clearer than light itself, so to speak, that they were eager to plot against your prudence. After this, who would wish to follow those men who have invented so many things to do harm, especially when they lead themselves to destruction and perceive that they are accusers in fabricated and false matters? As I said, then, who would follow them and go headlong into the road of destruction—that road in which they alone think they have the hope of salvation and help? For if they would come to a pure conscience, remember the best judgment, and come to a sound mind, they will easily recognize that there is no help for them from Providence, since they are zealots for such things and are tempted to their own destruction. This I would justly call not harshness but truth. Finally I add this too, that we wish this to be read publicly and often by your prudence, so that from there it may come to the knowledge of all, and especially reach those who act thus and so conduct themselves; for what is said by us with a straight word is spoken with the deed of truth. Since, then, there is so great an outrage in this matter, let them know that I have so judged …

To show still more the wickedness of the false accusers, see, Arsenius too wrote after he was found in hiding. For as Ischyras wrote confessing the false accusation, so Arsenius by writing convicts their malice still more. “To the blessed Pope Athanasius, Arsenius, bishop of those formerly under Meletius in the city of the Hypselites, together with presbyters and deacons, abundant greeting in the Lord. We too, embracing peace and union with the catholic Church, over which you preside by the grace of God, and choosing to submit to the ecclesiastical canon according to the ancient form, write to you, beloved pope, confessing in the name of the Lord that from now on we will not communicate with those bishops, presbyters, and deacons who are still in schism and not yet at peace with the catholic Church; nor agree with them if they wish to do anything in a synod; nor send them letters of peace nor receive such from them; nor, without the consent of you, the bishop of the metropolis, issue any decree about bishops or about any other common ecclesiastical teaching; but yield to all the canons previously laid down, after the example of the bishops Ammonianus, Tyrannus, Plusianus, and the other bishops. We therefore ask your goodness to write back to us quickly, and likewise to our fellow ministers about us, that we are now, on the aforesaid terms, at peace with the catholic Church and united with the fellow ministers in the various places. And we trust that your prayers, being acceptable, will be effective, so that such peace may be firm and indissoluble to the end, according to the will of God the Lord of all, through Jesus Christ our Lord. We and those with us greet the clergy under you. As soon as God permits, we will come to your goodness. I, Arsenius, pray for your health in the Lord for many years, most blessed pope.”

A greater and clearer refutation of the false accusation against us is the repentance of John; and of this the most God-loving emperor Constantine of blessed memory is witness. For knowing what John had charged against him, and receiving a letter from him in repentance, he wrote this: “Constantine Maximus Augustus to John. The letter of your prudence has been very pleasing to me; for I learned from it what I very much longed to learn, that you have laid aside all petty-mindedness, have entered into communion with the Church, as was fitting, and have come into complete concord with the most reverend bishop Athanasius. Know well, then, that on this account I commend you highly, because, abandoning all quarrelsomeness, you have done what is dear to God, embracing union with the Church. So that you may know that you have obtained what you desire, I have thought it right to allow you to take a public conveyance and hasten to the camp of my clemency. Let it be yours, then, to make no delay, but, since this letter grants you the use of a public conveyance, to come to us at once, so that you may fulfil your desire and, having seen us, … beloved brother.” [71] Thus, then, the plot came to an end, and the Meletians were turned back in shame. But Eusebius and his party did not keep quiet even so; for their concern was not for the Meletians but for Arius and his party, and they feared that, if the Meletians stopped, they would no longer find men to play the parts through whom they might bring him in. They therefore stir up the Meletians again and persuade the emperor to order a synod again at Tyre. Count Dionysius is sent, and soldiers are given to Eusebius and his party as a bodyguard. Macarius is sent in chains to Tyre by soldiers; and the emperor writes to me and lays compulsion on me, so that we were sent off even against our will. The whole plot can be learned from what the bishops of Egypt wrote; but how it was put together by them from the beginning it would be necessary to tell, for from this too one can see the malice and villainy practiced against us. There are bishops in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, nearly a hundred; none of them accused us, no presbyter blamed us, none of the people spoke against us; but it was the Meletians expelled by Peter and the Arians who shared out the plot between them: the one claimed the right of accusing, the other of judging. We objected to Eusebius and his party as enemies because of their heresy; then we showed as follows that the so-called accuser was not a presbyter at all. When Meletius was received—would that he had never been!—Alexander of blessed memory, knowing his villainy, demanded of him a list of the bishops he said he had in Egypt, and of the presbyters and deacons in Alexandria itself, and of any he had in its countryside. Pope Alexander did this so that Meletius, having obtained the freedom of the Church, might not sell many offices and deceive by putting forward whomever he wished day by day. So he made this list of those in Egypt. List given by Meletius to Alexander the bishop: I, Meletius, at Lycopolis; Lucius at Antinoopolis; Phasileus at Hermopolis; Achilles at Cusae; Ammonius at Diospolis. In Ptolemais: Pachymes at Tentyra. In Maximianopolis: Theodorus at Coptos. In the Thebaid: Cales at Hermethes; Colluthus at Upper Cynopolis; Pelagius at Oxyrhynchus; Peter at Heracleopolis; Theon at Nilopolis; Isaac at Letopolis; Heraclides at Niciu; Isaac at Cleopatris; Melas in the Arsinoite nome. In Heliopolis: Amos at Leontopolis; Ision at Athribis. In Pharbaethus: Harpocration at Bubastis; Moses at Phacusae; Callinicus at Pelusium; Eudaemon at Tanis; Ephraim at Thmuis. In Sais: Hermaeon at Cynopolis and Busiris; Soterichus at Sebennytus; Pininuthes at Phthenegys; Cronius at Metelis; Agathammon in the district of the Alexandrians. At Memphis, John, ordered by the emperor to be with the archbishop. These are those in Egypt. Of the clergy in Alexandria he had: Apollonius, presbyter; Irenaeus, presbyter; Dioscorus, presbyter; Tyrannus, presbyter. Deacons: Timotheus, deacon; Antinous, deacon; Hephaestion, deacon; and Macarius, presbyter of the Parembole. [72] … handed over …

These men Meletius presented in person to Bishop Alexander. Of the so-called Ischyras he made no mention, nor did he ever profess at all to have anyone in the Mareotis. And yet our enemies did not desist, and the man who was not a presbyter was feigned to be one; for there was a count to compel us, and soldiers dragged us about. But even so the grace of God prevailed: they could not convict Macarius about the cup, and Arsenius, whom they had noised abroad as killed by us, stood there alive and showed up their false accusation. Since, then, they were unable to convict Macarius, Eusebius and his party were enraged, as having lost the prey they were hunting, and they persuade the count Dionysius, who was on their side, to send to the Mareotis, to see whether they could find anything there against the presbyter—or rather, so that they might go and patch together whatever they wished in our absence; for this was what they were aiming at. Indeed, we said that the journey to the Mareotis was superfluous—for they should not pretend that they had spoken inadequately on what they had been practicing for a long time, nor should they postpone it; they had said what they thought they had, and now, being at a loss, were making excuses—or that, if the Mareotis was needed, at least the suspected men should not be sent. The count was persuaded about the suspected men; but they did anything rather than this. For those whom we objected to because of the Arian heresy were the very ones who eagerly set off: Diognius, Maris, Theodore, Macedonius, Ursacius, and Valens. Again there were letters to the prefect of Egypt and a military guard; and, what was astonishing and full of all arrogance, they caused Macarius the accused to stay behind under soldiers, while they took the accuser with them. Who, then, does not see the plot from this? Who does not plainly perceive the wickedness of Eusebius and his party? For if a trial was needed in the Mareotis, the accused too ought to have been sent; but if they were not going for the sake of a trial, why did they take the accuser? It was enough that he had not proved his case. But they did this so that, since they had not convicted the presbyter when present, they might plot against him in his absence and concoct whatever they pleased. For when the presbyters of Alexandria and of the whole countryside complained that they had come by themselves, and asked that they too might be present at their proceedings (for they said they knew both the affair and the facts about the so-called Ischyras), they did not permit it; but they had with them Philagrius the prefect of Egypt, an apostate, and pagan soldiers, examining matters which it was not fitting even for catechumens to see, while they did not allow the clergy, lest there too, as at Tyre, they should have people to refute them.

But not even so could they escape notice; for the presbyters of the city and of the Mareotis, perceiving their villainy, wrote and protested as follows: “To Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodore, Ursacius, and Valens, the bishops who have come from Tyre, from the presbyters and deacons of the catholic Church of Alexandria under the most reverend bishop Athanasius. It was fitting for you, when you came bringing the accuser with you, to bring Macarius the presbyter too; for trials are so constituted according to the holy Scriptures that the accuser stands together with the accused. But since you neither brought Macarius, nor did our most reverend bishop Athanasius come here with you, we asked that we ourselves at least might be present at the trial, so that the inquiry might be held securely in our presence and we too might be persuaded. But since you did not grant this, but wished to do what you pleased alone with the prefect of Egypt and the accuser, we confess that we have conceived an evil suspicion in the matter and have perceived that your coming is nothing but a plot and conspiracy. For this reason we present this letter to you, to be a testimony before a true synod, so that it may be known to all that you did what you wished one-sidedly and wished to put together nothing but a plot against us. We have also given copies of this to Palladius, the curiosus of the Augustus, so that it may not be concealed by you. For what you have done makes us suspect and think such things of you. I, Dionysius, presbyter, have presented this; Alexander, presbyter; Nilaras, presbyter; Longus, presbyter; Aphthonius, presbyter; Athanasius, presbyter; Amyntius, presbyter; Pistus, presbyter; Plution, presbyter; Dioscorus, presbyter; Apollonius, presbyter; Sarapion, presbyter; Ammonius, presbyter; Gaius, presbyter; Rhinus, presbyter; Aethales, presbyter. Deacons: Marcellinus, deacon; Appianus, deacon; Theon, deacon; Timotheus, deacon; and another Timotheus, deacon.”

These are the letter and the names of the clergy of the city. And what the clergy of the Mareotis wrote, who knew the character of the accuser and were with me on the visitation, is this: “To the holy synod of the blessed bishops of the catholic Church, all the presbyters and deacons of the Mareotis, greeting in the Lord. Knowing what is written, ‘What your eyes have seen, tell,’ and ‘A false witness shall not go unpunished,’ we testify what we have seen, especially since the plot formed against our bishop Athanasius has made our testimony necessary. We wonder how Ischyras was ever counted within the measure of the Church at all; and about him we think it necessary to speak first. Ischyras has never been a minister of the Church. Formerly he called himself a presbyter of Colluthus, but he had no one who obeyed him except his own relatives; for he never had a church, nor was he ever regarded as a cleric by those living a short distance from his village, except only, as we said, by his own relatives. Yet, although he had given himself such a title, at the synod held at Alexandria in the presence of our father Hosius he was deposed and received to communion as a layman, and so he remained thereafter, having fallen even from the false supposition of being a presbyter. Of his character we think it superfluous to speak, since all are able to know such things. But since he falsely accused our bishop Athanasius about the breaking of a cup and a table, we have felt compelled to tell you about this too. We said before that he never had a church in the Mareotis; and, as before God as witness, no cup was broken nor table overturned by our bishop or by anyone else of those with him; but all that is said is false accusation. And we say this not as men who were far from the bishop; for we are all with him when he visits the Mareotis, and he never goes round alone, but with all of us presbyters and deacons and a good number of the people. Therefore, as having been present with him on every visitation he has made among us, we say and testify that no cup was broken nor table overturned, but that he lies in everything, as he himself testifies with his own hand. For when, after he had gone off with the Meletians and spread such things about our bishop Athanasius, he wished to be admitted to communion, they did not receive him, although he wrote and confessed with his own hand that none of these things had happened, but that he had been prompted by certain persons to say them. [75] For this reason, too, when Theognius, Theodore, Maris, Macedonius, Ursacius, and Valens came to the Mareotis and found nothing true, but the matter was about to be exposed as a false accusation they had fabricated against our bishop Athanasius, Theognius and his companions, being enemies, made his relatives and certain Ariomaniacs say what they wished. For none of the people spoke against the bishop; but these men did what they wished through fear of Philagrius, the prefect of Egypt, and by the threats and patronage of the Ariomaniacs. For when we came to refute the false accusation they did not permit it, but drove us away, while they received those whom they wished to suborn and came to terms with them through fear of the prefect Philagrius; through him they did not allow us even to be present, so that we might at least be able to establish whether those put forward by them were of the Church or Ariomaniacs. You know, beloved fathers, as you yourselves teach us, that the testimony of enemies has no force. That we speak the truth, the hand of Ischyras testifies, and the facts themselves testify: since we know of nothing of the kind having happened, they took Philagrius with them, so that by fear of the sword and by threats they might contrive what they wished. These things we testify as before God; these things we say knowing that there will be a judgment from God. We all wished to come to you, but have contented ourselves with some of our number, so that the letter may supply the presence of those who have not come. I, Ingenius, presbyter, pray for your health in the Lord, beloved fathers; Theon, presbyter; Ammonas, presbyter; Heraclius, presbyter; Boccon, presbyter; Tryphon, presbyter; Peter, presbyter; Hierax, presbyter; Sarapion, presbyter; Marcus, presbyter; Ptollarion, presbyter; Gaius, presbyter; Dioscorus, presbyter; Demetrius, presbyter; Thyrsus, presbyter. Deacons: Pistus, deacon; Apollos, deacon; Serras, deacon; Pistus, deacon; Polynicus, deacon; Ammonius, deacon; Maurus, deacon; Hephaestus, deacon; Apollos, deacon; Metopas, deacon; Serapas, deacon; Meliphthongus, deacon; Lucius, deacon; Gregoras, deacon.” [76] The same to the curiosus and to Philagrius, then called prefect of Egypt: “To Flavius Philagrius, and to Flavius Palladius, ducenarius of the palace and curiosus, and to Flavius Antoninus, biarchus and centenarius of my lords the most illustrious prefects of the sacred praetorium, from the presbyters and deacons of the Mareotic nome of the catholic Church under the most reverend bishop Athanasius, through those who sign below: we present the following testimony.

Since Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodore, Ursacius, and Valens, as having been sent by all the bishops assembled at Tyre, came to our diocese, saying they had received orders to investigate certain ecclesiastical matters, among which they spoke of a Lord’s cup having been broken, at the prompting of Ischyras, whom they brought with them, who says he is a presbyter though he is not a presbyter. For he was appointed by Colluthus the presbyter, who fancied himself a bishop and was afterwards ordered by a general synod of Hosius and the bishops with him to be a presbyter, as he had been before; and consequently all those appointed by Colluthus returned to the same rank in which they had been before, so that Ischyras himself was shown to be a layman. And what he says he has as a church has never been a church, but a small dwelling belonging to an orphan boy named Ision. For this reason we have made use of this testimony, adjuring you by God Almighty and by our lords Constantine Augustus and the most illustrious Caesars his sons, to bring these very things to the knowledge of their piety. For he is neither a presbyter of the catholic Church, nor has he a church, nor was a cup ever broken; but he lies and invents everything. In the consulship of Julius Constantius, the most illustrious patrician, brother of the most pious emperor Constantine Augustus, and of Rufinus Albinus, most illustrious men, on the tenth of Thoth.” This is what the presbyters wrote.

What the bishops too who came with us to Tyre wrote and protested, perceiving the plot and conspiracy, is this: “To the bishops assembled at Tyre, most honored lords, the bishops of the catholic Church who came from Egypt with Athanasius, greeting in the Lord. We no longer think that the plot formed against us by Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodore, and Patrophilus is obscure. From the beginning we all objected, through our fellow minister Athanasius, to the hearing taking place in their presence, knowing that the presence even of one enemy, let alone many, can disturb and harm a hearing. For you yourselves know their enmity, which they have had not toward us alone but toward all the orthodox: because of the madness of Arius and his impious teaching they assail all and plot against all. But when we, confident in the truth, wished to show the false accusation brought against the Church by the Meletians, we do not know how Eusebius and his party tried to confuse what we said, and for a long time were eager to have what we said thrown out, threatening those who judged honestly and insulting others, only so that what they were eager for against us might come about. Perhaps your godly piety, most honored lords, was unaware of the plot they formed; but now we think it has become plain. For see, they have openly displayed the plot themselves: they wished to send those of their number who are suspect to the Mareotis, so that, while we are absent and remain here, they may stir up the people and accomplish what they wish. For they saw that the Ariomaniacs, Colluthians, and Meletians are enemies of the catholic Church; therefore they were eager to send these men, so that in the presence of enemies they might concoct what they wish against us. For the Meletians here sent some of their own number four days ago, as if they knew that this plan would come about, and in the evening couriers, to gather Meletians from Egypt too into the Mareotis, since there are none there at all, and Colluthians and Ariomaniacs from other places, and to put them up to speaking against us. For you yourselves know that Ischyras confessed before you that he has no more than seven people attending his services. Since, then, after they have arranged what they wish and sent the suspect men, we have heard that they are going round each of you demanding a signature, so that it may appear to have been done by the decision of you all, for this reason we have hastened to write to you and present this testimony: we testify that we are plotted against and suffer conspiracy from them and through them, and we ask that, keeping in mind the fear of God and condemning them for sending without us those whom they wished, you do not sign, lest what they concoct by themselves they say was done by you. For it befits men in Christ not to look to human considerations but to prefer the truth to all things. And do not fear the threats they use against all, nor their plot, but rather God. For if it was at all consistent that some should be sent to the Mareotis, we too ought to have been present with them, so that we might expose the enemies of the Church, show up the strangers, and make the inquiry into the matter pure. For you know that Eusebius and his party concocted a letter to be presented as written against us by Colluthians, Meletians, and Arians; and it is plain that these enemies of the catholic Church say nothing true about us but everything against us. But the law of God wills that an enemy be neither witness nor judge. Therefore, as men who are to give account on the day of judgment, receive this testimony, recognize the plot formed against us, and, we beseech you, take care to do nothing against us and not to join in the design of Eusebius and his party. For you know again, as we said before, … most longed-for lords.” [78] “To Flavius Dionysius, most illustrious count, from the bishops of the catholic Church of Egypt who came to Tyre. We no longer think that the plot formed against us by Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodore, and Patrophilus is obscure. From the beginning we all objected, through our fellow minister Athanasius, to the hearing taking place in their presence, knowing that the presence even of one enemy, let alone many, can disturb and harm a hearing. For their enmity is plain, which they have had not toward us alone but toward all the orthodox; for they assail all and plot against all. But when we, confident in the truth, wished to show the false accusation brought against the Church by the Meletians, we do not know how Eusebius and his party tried to confuse what we said, and for a long time were eager to have what we said thrown out, threatening those who judged honestly and insulting others, only so that what they were eager for against us might come about. Perhaps your goodness was unaware of the plot they were forming against us; but now we think it has become plain. For see, they have openly displayed the plot: they wished to send men of their own number to the Mareotis, so that, while we are absent and remain here, they may stir up the people and accomplish what they wish. For knowing that the Ariomaniacs, Colluthians, and Meletians are enemies of the Church, they were eager to send these men, so that in the presence of enemies they might concoct what they wish against us. For the Meletians here have already sent some of their own number four days ago, as if they knew that this plan would come about, and in the evening two couriers, to gather Meletians from Egypt too into the Mareotis, since there are none there at all, and Colluthians and Ariomaniacs from other places, and to put them up to speaking against us. Your goodness knows that he himself confessed before you that he has no more than seven people attending his services. Since, then, after they have arranged what they wish and sent the suspect men, we have heard that they are going round each of the bishops demanding a signature, so that it may appear to have been done by the decision of them all, for this reason we have hastened to refer it to your excellency and present this testimony: we testify that we are plotted against and suffer conspiracy from them and through them, and we ask that you, keeping in mind the fear of God and the pious commands of the most God-loving emperor, and condemning them for sending without us those whom they wished, do not tolerate them. I, Adamantius, bishop, have presented this; Ischyras, Ammon, Peter, Ammonianus, Tyrannus, Taurinus, Sarapammon, Aelurion, Harpocration, Moses, Optatus, Anubion, Saprion, Apollonius, Ischyrion, Arbaethion, Potamon, Paphnutius, Heraclides, Theodorus, Agathammon, Gaius, Pistus, Athas, Nicon, Pelagius, Theon, Paninuthius, Nonnus, Ariston, Theodorus, Irenaeus, Blastammon, Philippus, Apollos, Dioscorus, Timotheus of Diospolis, Macarius, Heraclammon, Cronius, Muis, Jacobus, Ariston, Artemidorus, Phinees, Psais, Heraclides.” [79] And a second time the same: “To Flavius Dionysius, most illustrious count, the bishops of the catholic Church who came from Egypt to Tyre. Seeing many plots formed against us, and conspiracies contrived by Eusebius, Narcissus, Flacillus, Theognius, Maris, Theodore, and Patrophilus, whom we wished to object to at the beginning but were not permitted, we are compelled to come to this protest. For we see great zeal on behalf of the Meletians, and a conspiracy, through us, against the catholic Church in Egypt. Therefore we present this letter to you, asking you to keep in mind God Almighty, who preserves the reign of the most pious and God-loving emperor Constantine, and to reserve the hearing of our affairs for the most pious emperor himself. For it is reasonable that you, who were sent by his majesty, should reserve the matter for him, since we have appealed to his piety. For we can no longer bear being plotted and conspired against by Eusebius and his party aforesaid; and for this reason we ask that the matter be reserved for the most pious and God-loving emperor, before whom we can set forth both the rights of the Church and our own. For we trust that his piety, when he has heard, will not condemn us. Again, then, we adjure you by God Almighty—so may the most pious emperor be ever victorious and in health for many cycles of years, with the children of his piety—to do nothing further, and not to permit yourself to raise anything in the synod about our affairs … we have made known to the orthodox …”

On receiving this, Alexander, the bishop of Thessalonica, wrote to Dionysius the count as follows: “To my lord Dionysius, Alexander, bishop. I see a manifest plot formed against Athanasius. For all those to whom he objected they have—I do not know what has come over them—wished to send, without even informing us; for it had been agreed to consider together who should be sent. Advise, then, that nothing rash be done (for they have come to me in alarm, saying that the wild beasts are already bristling and about to rush out; for a rumor went round that John had sent some), lest they anticipate us and concoct whatever they please. For you know that the Colluthians, enemies of the Church, and the Arians and the Meletians—all of these, having joined their votes together, can do great evils. Consider, then, what is expedient, so that nothing grievous may come of it and we be exposed to the charge of not having judged justly. And these men especially fear that, passing through the churches whose bishops are here, they will cause fear and throw all Egypt into confusion, as if it had been handed over to the Meletians; for they see this happening to a very great extent.” [81] In reply Dionysius the count wrote to Eusebius and his party as follows: “This is what I was saying just now to my lords Flacillus and his companions: that Athanasius came forward and complained that those to whom he had objected were being sent, crying out that he was wronged and defrauded; and my lord Alexander, dear to my soul, has sent the same. And so that you may know that what his goodness has written to me is reasonable, I have subjoined it to be read to you. Remember also what I wrote before; for I wrote to your goodness, my lords, that those who are sent ought to be sent by common judgment and decree. See, then, that what is done does not fall under accusation, and that we give no ground for just blame to those who wish to accuse us. For just as the side of the accusers ought not to be burdened, so neither ought that of the defendants. And I think it is no small ground for blame against us when my lord Alexander is seen not to agree with what is being done.”

While these things were being done thus, we withdrew from them as from a synod of transgressors; for they did whatever they wished. That proceedings conducted one-sidedly have no force, there is no one among all men who does not know. For this the divine law commands, and this the blessed Apostle, when he suffered such a plot and was on trial, demanded, saying, “The Jews from Asia ought to have been present before you and to accuse, if they had anything”; when Festus too, when the Jews wished to carry out such a plot as these men have now made against us, said, “It is not the custom of the Romans to give up any man before the accused has met the accusers face to face and had opportunity to make his defense concerning the charge.” But Eusebius and his party dared even to pervert the law, and became more unjust than the wrongdoers. For they did not act by themselves from the beginning; but when they failed while we were present, then, going out like the Jews, they took counsel by themselves how they might destroy us and bring in the heresy, as those men asked for Barabbas. For this reason they themselves have confessed, by their own acts, that they did all this.

Although this suffices for a complete defense, nevertheless, to show still more their wickedness and the freedom of the truth, it does no harm to remind you again and to show how they acted against themselves, and how, plotting in darkness, they stumbled against their own devices, and, wishing to destroy us, wounded themselves like madmen. For, investigating the mysteries, they questioned Jews and examined catechumens: “Where were you when Macarius came and overturned the table?” And they answered, “We were inside.” So there was no offering, if catechumens were inside. Next, having written everywhere that, while the presbyter was standing and celebrating, Macarius came in and overturned everything, they asked whom they pleased where Ischyras was when Macarius burst in. And they answered again that he was lying sick in a cell. So the man lying down was not standing, nor was he who lay sick in a cell offering. Moreover, when Ischyras said that books had been burned by Macarius, the suborned witnesses said that nothing of the kind had happened, but that Ischyras was lying. And, what is remarkable, having written again everywhere that those able to testify had been made away with by us, they questioned these very men, who appeared; and they were not ashamed, seeing themselves shown up as false accusers on every side—and that while doing these things by themselves as they wished. For they nodded to the witnesses, the prefect threatened, and the soldiers prodded them; but the Lord uncovered the truth and showed them to be false accusers. For this reason they hid the minutes, kept them themselves, and ordered those who wrote them to destroy them and give them to no one at all. But they failed in this too; for the man who wrote them is Rufus, who is now a speculator in the Augustalian office and can testify; and Eusebius and his party sent them to Rome by their own people, and Bishop Julius forwarded them to me. And they are furious now that we have obtained and read what they wished to hide.

Having arranged these and similar things, they immediately revealed the reason for which they had done them. For as they departed they took the Arians with them to Jerusalem, and there received them into communion, writing a letter about them, of which the beginning and a part is this: “The holy synod assembled at Jerusalem by the grace of God, to the church of God at Alexandria and to those throughout all Egypt, the Thebaid, Libya, and Pentapolis, and to the bishops, presbyters, and deacons throughout the world, greeting in the Lord. To all of us who had come together from various provinces for the great festival which we celebrated at the dedication of the Martyrium of the Savior, built by the zeal of the most God-loving emperor Constantine for God the King of all and for his Christ, the grace of God has given more abundant gladness. The most God-loving emperor himself by his own letter urged what was needful, banishing all envy from the Church of God and driving far away all malice, by which the members of God had previously been divided, so that we should receive with a simple and peaceful soul Arius and his companions, whom envy, the hater of good, had caused for a time to be outside the Church. And the most God-loving emperor bore witness in his letter to the soundness of the men’s faith, which he had ascertained from them and accepted, having heard them himself in person; and he made it plain to us, subjoining to his own letter the written statement of the men’s orthodoxy.”

Who, hearing this, does not perceive the plot? For they did not hide what they did; or perhaps they confessed the truth even against their will. For if I was the one preventing Arius and his party from entering, and when I had been plotted against they were received, what else does this mean than that these things happened for their sake, that they did everything against us, and that the breaking of a cup and the murder of Arsenius were invented only so that they might bring impiety into the Church and not be condemned as heretics? For this was what the emperor had threatened when he wrote to me before. And they were not ashamed to write such things and to say that those men hold correct views whom a whole ecumenical synod anathematized; nor were they afraid to undo, as far as lay in them, so great a synod in a corner—these men who say and do everything lightly. And the wage of the false accusation shows their wickedness and impious purpose still more. The Mareotis, as I said before, is a country district of Alexandria; there has never been a bishop in the district, nor even a chorepiscopus, but the churches of the whole district are subject to the bishop of Alexandria. Each of the presbyters has his own villages, very large ones, about ten or more in number. But the village where Ischyras lives is very small and has few people, so that there has not even been a church there, but only in the neighboring village. And yet, contrary to the ancient tradition, they decided to name as bishop, forsooth, in such a village a man who was not even a presbyter. They knew the absurdity well themselves; but, compelled by the promise made for the false accusation, they submitted to this too, lest that utterly wicked man, if treated ungratefully, should give way to the truth and expose the wickedness of Eusebius and his party. Indeed, he has neither church nor people obeying him, but is driven away by all like a dog; and yet they caused even the emperor to write to the catholicus (for they can do anything) that a church should be built for him, so that, having it, he might appear credible when speaking about the cup and the table. And they immediately had him named a bishop too, since, having no church and not being a presbyter at all, he was shown to be a false accuser who invented everything. Indeed, having no people, and not even his own family obeying him, he holds the letter unused, like his empty title, displaying it as a proof of his utterly wicked purpose and that of Eusebius and his party. Letter of the catholicus: “Flavius Hemerius to the exactor of the Mareotis, greeting. Since Ischyras the presbyter has petitioned the piety of our lords the Augusti and Caesars that a church be built in the place called Irene of Secontarurus, their divinity has commanded that this be done as quickly as possible. Take care, then, having read the copy of the divine letter, which is placed before this with due reverence, and the minutes drawn up before my devotion, to make the summary quickly and report it to the office, so that what has been divinely commanded may be carried to completion.”

They, then, were concocting and fabricating plots in this way; but we went up and showed the emperor the injustices of Eusebius and his party, since it was he who had ordered the synod to be held, and his count who presided over it. On hearing this he was moved, and wrote as follows: “Constantine Victor Maximus Augustus to the bishops assembled at Tyre. I do not know what was decided by your synod amid tumult and storm; but it seems that the truth has been somehow perverted by a certain turbulent disorder, since you, through quarrelsomeness toward your neighbors, which you wish to be unconquerable, do not perceive what is pleasing to God. But it will be the work of divine providence to scatter the evils of this contentiousness, plainly convicted, and to show us clearly whether you who assembled there took any care for the truth, and whether you decided what you decided without favor or enmity. Therefore I wish all of you to come with haste to my piety, so that you may present in your own persons an exact account of what you have done. Why I have thought it right to write this to you and summon you to me by letter you will learn from what follows. As I was entering our eponymous and all-blessed homeland of Constantinople (I happened at that time to be riding on horseback), suddenly Athanasius the bishop, in the middle of the highway, with certain others whom he had with him, approached so unexpectedly as to give cause for astonishment. For God, the overseer of all, is my witness that at first sight I could not even recognize who he was, until some of our people, when we asked, as was natural, told us who he was and the injustice he had suffered. I did not converse with him at that time, nor share in any talk. But when he asked to be heard, and I refused and all but ordered him to be driven away, he asked with greater boldness for nothing else from us than that your arrival should be granted, so that in your presence he might lament what he had been compelled to suffer. Since this seemed to me reasonable and fitting to the times, I gladly ordered this to be written to you, so that all of you who made up the synod held at Tyre may hasten without delay to the camp of my clemency, to show by the facts themselves the purity and integrity of your judgment—before me, of course, whom not even you would deny to be a genuine servant of God. For through my worship of God everything everywhere is at peace, and the name of God is genuinely blessed even by the barbarians, who until now were ignorant of the truth; and it is plain that he who is ignorant of the truth does not know God either. Nevertheless, as was said, even the barbarians now, through me, the genuine servant of God, have come to know God and have learned to revere him, whom they have perceived by the very deeds to shield me everywhere and provide for me; and so they know God above all, whom they revere through fear of us. But we, who are supposed to set forth (for I would not say guard) the holy mysteries of his kindness—we, I say, do nothing but what tends to discord and hatred, and, in a word, what leads to the destruction of the human race. But hasten, as was said; all of you be quick to come to us as soon as possible, convinced that I will try with all my strength to set right, so that in the law of God … especially …”

When Eusebius and his party learned this, knowing what they had done, they prevented the other bishops from going up; and they alone—Eusebius, Theognius, Patrophilus, the other Eusebius, Ursacius, and Valens—went up, and no longer spoke about the cup and Arsenius, for they had no confidence; but inventing another accusation that touched the emperor, they said to the emperor himself that Athanasius had threatened to stop the grain sent from Alexandria to your native city. This the bishops Adamantius, Anubion, Agathammon, Arbethion, and Peter heard, being present; and the emperor’s anger showed it too. For he who had written such things and condemned their injustice, when he heard such a slander, was at once inflamed, and instead of a hearing sent us to the Gauls. But this too shows their wickedness all the more. For Constantine the younger, of blessed memory, sending us back to our homeland, and mindful of what his father had written, himself wrote as follows: “Constantine Caesar to the people of the catholic Church of the city of Alexandria. I think it has not escaped the knowledge of your holy mind that Athanasius, the interpreter of the venerable law, was sent to the Gauls for a time for this reason: since the savagery of his bloodthirsty and hostile enemies persisted to the danger of his sacred head, lest through the perversity of wicked men he should suffer irreparable harm. To frustrate this, then, he was snatched from the jaws of the men pressing upon him and ordered to live under my care, so that in this city where he stayed he has had abundance of all necessities—although his celebrated virtue, trusting in divine help, makes light even of the burdens of harsher fortune. Therefore, although our lord Constantine Augustus, my father, intended to restore this bishop to his own place for your most beloved piety, nevertheless, since he was overtaken by the lot of men and was laid to rest before fulfilling his wish, I thought it fitting, as his successor, to fulfill the intention of the emperor of divine memory. When he comes into your presence, you will know how much respect he has received. For it is no wonder if I have done anything for him; for both the image of your longing and the bearing of so great a man moved my soul to this and …

This being the reason for which we were sent to the Gauls, who again does not perceive both the emperor’s purpose and the murderous spirit of Eusebius and his party, and that the emperor did this so that they might not devise some greater plot? For he had simply listened to them. Such is the conduct of Eusebius and his party; such the machinery of their plot against us. Who, seeing this, would not say that nothing was done for us as a favor, but that so great a number of bishops, both individually and together, justly and consistently wrote such things on our behalf and condemned the false accusation of our enemies? Who, seeing such and so many things, would not say that Valens and Ursacius too rightly condemned themselves, and in repentance wrote such things against themselves, choosing rather to be ashamed for a short time than to suffer forever the punishment of false accusers?

For this reason our blessed fellow ministers too, acting justly and ecclesiastically, when some said that our case was doubtful and tried by force to annul what had been decided on our behalf, have now endured to suffer everything, and have chosen to be exiled rather than see the judgments of so many bishops undone. Now if the true bishops had opposed only in words those who plotted against us and wished to overturn what had been done for us, or if they were ordinary men and not of renowned cities and heads of so many churches, one might suspect that in this too they had contended in order to do us a favor. But they both persuaded by reasoning and endured exile; and Liberius, the bishop of Rome, is among them—for even though he did not endure the affliction of exile to the end, yet he remained two years in banishment, knowing the plot against us; and the great Hosius is among them, and the bishops of Italy and of the Gauls, and others from the Spains, from Egypt and Libya, and all those of Pentapolis—for even though he, fearing the threats of Constantius for a little while, seemed not to oppose them, yet the great violence and tyrannical power of Constantius, and the very many insults and blows, show that it was not because he condemned us, but because through the weakness of old age he could not bear the blows, that he yielded to them for a time. It is right, then, for all the more, as fully informed, to hate and turn away from the injustice and violence done against us, especially since it is evident that we suffered these things for no other reason than the Arian impiety.

If anyone, then, wishes to learn the facts about us and the false accusation of Eusebius and his party, let him read what was written on our behalf, and let him have as witnesses not one, or two, or three, but so great a multitude of bishops; and again let him take as witnesses of these Liberius and Hosius and those with them, who, seeing what was done against us, endured to suffer everything rather than betray the truth and the judgment given on our behalf. This they did with good and holy counsel; for what they suffered shows the constraint which the other bishops too have suffered. It is a record and a monument against the Arian heresy and the wickedness of the false accusers, and a pattern and model for those who come after: to contend for the truth unto death, to turn away from the Arian heresy, which fights against Christ and is the forerunner of Antichrist, and not to believe those who attempt to speak against us. For the defense and vote on our behalf of such and so many bishops is a trustworthy and sufficient testimony.