City of God 12.6–12.15
Latin text: Hoffmann, CSEL 40 (Latin text: Dombart and Hoffmann, De civitate dei (CSEL 40, 1899-1900), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 2 (1887).
Chapter 12
12.6CSEL 40:573–577
CAPUT VI. Quae causa sit beatitudinis angelorum bonorum et quae causa sit miseriae angelorum malorum. Proinde causa beatitudinis angelorum bonorum ea uerissima reperitur, quod ei adhaerent qui summe est. Cum uero causa miseriae malorum angelorum quaeritur, ea merito occurrit, quod ab illo, qui summe est, auersi ad se ipsos conuersi sunt, qui non summe sunt; et hoc uitium quid aliud quam superbia nuncupetur? Initium quippe omnis peccati superbia. Noluerunt ergo ad illum custodire fortitudinem suam, et qui magis essent, si ei qui summe est adhaererent, se illi praeferendo id quod minus est praetulerunt. Hic primus defectus et prima inopia primumque uitium eius naturae, quae ita creata est, ut nec summe esset, et tamen ad beatitudinem habendam eo, qui summe est, frui posset, a quo auersa non quidem nulla, sed tamen minus esset adque ob hoc misera fieret. Huius porro malae uoluntatis causa efficiens si quaeratur, nihil inuenitur. Quid est enim quod facit uoluntatem malam, cum ipsa faciat opus malum? Ac per hoc mala uoluntas efficiens est operis mali, malae autem uoluntatis efficiens nihil est. Quoniam si res aliqua est, aut habet aut non habet aliquam uoluntatem; si habet, aut bonam profecto habet aut malam; si bonam, quis ita desipiat, ut dicat quod bona uoluntas faciat uoluntatem malam? Erit enim, si ita est, bona uoluntas causa peccati, quo absurdius putari nihil potest. Si autem res ista, quae putatur facere uoluntatem malam, ipsa quoque habet uoluntatem malam, etiam eam quae fecerit res consequenter interrogo, adque ita, ut sit aliquis inquirendi modus, causam primae malae uoluntatis inquiro. Non est enim prima uoluntas mala, quam fecit uoluntas mala; sed illa prima est, quam nulla fecit. Nam si praecessit a qua fieret, illa prior est, quae alteram fecit. Si respondetur quod eam nulla res fecerit et ideo semper fuerit: quaero utrum in aliqua natura fuerit. Si enim in nulla fuit, omnino non fuit; si autem in aliqua, uitiabat eam et corrumpebat eratque illi noxia ac per hoc bono priuabat. Et ideo in mala natura uoluntas mala esse non poterat, sed in bona, mutabili tamen, cui uitium hoc posset nocere. Si enim non nocuit, non utique uitium fuit, ac per hoc nec mala uoluntas fuisse dicenda est. Porro si nocuit, bonum auferendo uel minuendo utique nocuit. Non igitur esse potuit sempiterna uoluntas mala in ea re, in qua bonum naturale praecesserat, quod mala uoluntas nocendo posset adimere. Si ergo non erat sempiterna, quis eam fecerit quaero. Restat ut dicatur, quod ea res fecerit malam uoluntatem, in qua nulla uoluntas fuit. Haec utrum superior sit, requiro, an inferior, an aequalis. Sed superior utique melior; quo modo ergo nullius, ac non potius bonae uoluntatis? Hoc idem profecto et aequalis. Duo quippe quamdiu sunt pariter uoluntatis bonae, non facit alter in altero uoluntatem malam. Relinquitur ut inferior res, cui nulla uoluntas est, fecerit angelicae naturae, quae prima peccauit, uoluntatem malam. Sed etiam res ipsa quaecumque est inferior usque ad infimam terram, quoniam natura et essentia est, procul dubio bona est, habens modum et speciem suam in genere adque ordine suo. Quo modo ergo res bona efficiens est uoluntatis malae? Quo modo, inquam, bonum est causa mali? Cum enim se uoluntas relicto superiore ad inferiora conuertit, efficitur mala, non quia malum est, quo se conuertit, sed quia peruersa est ipsa conuersio. Idcirco non res inferior uoluntatem malam fecit, sed rem inferiorem praue adque inordinate, ipsa quia facta est, adpetiuit. Si enim aliqui duo aequaliter affecti animo et corpore uideant unius corporis pulchritudinem, qua uisa unus eorum ad inlicite fruendum moueatur, alter in uoluntate pudica stabilis perseueret, quid putamus esse causae, ut in illo fiat, in illo non fiat uoluntas mala? Quae illam res fecit in quo facta est? Neque enim pulchritudo illa corporis; nam eam non fecit in ambobus, quando quidem amborum non dispariliter occurrit aspectibus. An caro intuentis in causa est? quur non et illius? An uero animus? quur non utriusque? Ambos enim et animo et corpore aequaliter affectos fuisse praediximus. An dicendum est alterum eorum occulta maligni spiritus suggestione tentatum, quasi non eidem suggestioni et qualicumque suasioni propria uoluntate consenserit? Hanc igitur consensionem, hanc malam quam male suadenti adhibuit uoluntatem, quae in eo res fecerit, quaerimus. Nam ut hoc quoque inpedimentum ab ista quaestione tollatur, si eadem tentatione ambo tententur, et unus ei cedat adque consentiat, alter idem qui fuerat perseueret: quid aliud apparet, nisi unum noluisse, alterum uoluisse a castitate deficere? Unde, nisi propria uoluntate, ubi eadem fuerat in utroque corporis et animi affectio? Amborum oculis pariter uisa est eadem pulchritudo, ambobus pariter institit occulta tentatio; propriam igitur in uno eorum uoluntatem malam res quae fecerit scire uolentibus, si bene intueantur, nihil occurrit. Si enim dixerimus quod ipse eam fecerit, quid erat ipse ante uoluntatem malam nisi natura bona, cuius auctor Deus, qui est inmutabile bonum? Qui ergo dicit eum, qui consensit tentanti adque suadenti, cui non consensit alius, ad inlicite utendum pulchro corpore, quod uidendum ambobus pariter adfuit, cum ante illam uisionem ac tentationem similes ambo animo et corpore fuerint, ipsum sibi fecisse uoluntatem malam, qui utique bonus ante uoluntatem malam fuerit: quaerat quur eam fecerit, utrum quia natura est, an quia ex nihilo facta est, et inueniet uoluntatem malam non ex eo esse incipere quod natura est, sed ex eo quod de nihilo facta natura est. Nam si natura causa est uoluntatis malae, quid aliud cogimur dicere, nisi a bono fieri malum et bonum esse causam mali? si quidem a natura bona fit uoluntas mala. Quod unde fieri potest, ut natura bona, quamuis mutabilis, antequam habeat uoluntatem malam, faciat aliquid mali, hoc est ipsam uoluntatem malam?
Chapter 6. What is the cause of the happiness of the good angels, and what is the cause of the misery of the evil angels.
Accordingly the truest cause of the happiness of the good angels is found to be that they cleave to him who supremely is. But when the cause of the misery of the evil angels is sought, this rightly occurs: that, turned away from him who supremely is, they turned to themselves, who do not supremely exist; and what else is this fault to be called but pride? For “pride is the beginning of all sin.” They would not, then, keep their strength for him; and though they would have been more if they had cleaved to him who supremely is, by preferring themselves to him they preferred what is less. This was the first defect, the first want, and the first fault of that nature which was so created that it did not supremely exist, and yet could enjoy him who supremely is in order to have happiness; and turned away from him it would not indeed be nothing, but would yet be less, and so become wretched.
If, further, the efficient cause of this evil will is sought, none is found. For what makes the will evil, when the will itself makes the evil work? And therefore the evil will is the efficient cause of the evil work, but nothing is the efficient cause of the evil will. For if something is, either it has some will or it has none. If it has, it certainly has either a good will or an evil one. If a good one, who would be so foolish as to say that a good will makes an evil will? For then a good will would be the cause of sin, than which nothing more absurd can be thought. But if the thing which is thought to make the evil will itself also has an evil will, I ask in turn what thing made that will, and so, that there may be some limit to the inquiry, I ask for the cause of the first evil will. For an evil will which an evil will made is not the first, but that is the first which no will made. For if one preceded from which it was made, that one is prior which made the other. If the answer is that nothing made it, and that therefore it has always existed, I ask whether it existed in some nature. For if it existed in none, it did not exist at all; but if in some nature, it vitiated it and corrupted it and was harmful to it, and so deprived it of good. And therefore an evil will could not be in an evil nature, but in a good one, yet a changeable one, which this fault could harm. For if it did not harm it, it certainly was not a fault, and so it must not be called an evil will either. Further, if it harmed it, it certainly harmed it by taking away or diminishing good. An everlasting evil will, then, could not be in that thing in which a natural good had preceded, which the evil will could take away by harming. If, then, it was not everlasting, I ask who made it. It remains to be said that that thing made the evil will in which there was no will. I ask whether this thing is superior, inferior, or equal. But a superior is certainly better; how then is it without will, and not rather possessed of a good will? The same surely holds for an equal. For as long as two are equally of good will, one does not make an evil will in the other. It remains that an inferior thing, which has no will, made the evil will of the angelic nature which first sinned. But even that thing, whatever it is, inferior even down to the lowest earth, since it is a nature and a being, is beyond doubt good, having its own measure and form in its own kind and order. How then is a good thing the efficient cause of an evil will? How, I say, is good the cause of evil? For when the will, forsaking the higher, turns to lower things, it becomes evil, not because that to which it turns is evil, but because the turning itself is perverse. Therefore it was not the lower thing that made the will evil, but the will itself, because it was made, desired the lower thing perversely and inordinately.
For if two men, alike in disposition of mind and body, see the beauty of one body, and at the sight of it one of them is moved to enjoy it unlawfully, while the other remains steadfast in a chaste will, what do we think is the cause why the evil will comes to be in the one and not in the other? What thing made it in him in whom it came to be? Not that bodily beauty; for it did not make it in both, since it met the sight of both alike. Is the flesh of the beholder the cause? Why not also that of the other? Or is it the mind? Why not of both? For we have said that both were alike in disposition of mind and body. Or must it be said that one of them was tempted by the hidden suggestion of an evil spirit, as though he had not consented by his own will to that suggestion and persuasion, whatever it was? It is this consent, then, this evil will which he gave to the evil persuader, that we are asking what thing made in him. For, to remove this obstacle too from the question, if both are tempted by the same temptation, and one yields and consents to it, while the other remains the same as he was, what else appears but that one was unwilling, the other willing, to fall away from chastity? Whence, if not from his own will, where the disposition of body and mind had been the same in both? The same beauty was seen alike by the eyes of both, the same hidden temptation pressed alike upon both; for those, then, who want to know what thing made the evil will proper to one of them, if they look closely, nothing presents itself. For if we say that he himself made it, what was he himself before the evil will but a good nature, whose author is God, who is the unchangeable good? Let him, then, who says that the one who consented to the tempter and persuader, to whom the other did not consent, to make unlawful use of a beautiful body which was present to be seen by both alike, although before that sight and temptation both were alike in mind and body, himself made the evil will for himself, he who was certainly good before the evil will, let him ask why he made it: whether because he is a nature, or because he was made from nothing; and he will find that the evil will begins not from the fact that he is a nature but from the fact that he is a nature made from nothing. For if nature is the cause of the evil will, what else are we forced to say but that evil comes from good and good is the cause of evil? Since indeed an evil will comes from a good nature. And how can it happen that a good nature, though changeable, should do something evil, that is, the evil will itself, before it has an evil will?
Ps 59:9 (58:10 LXX) (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: The good angels are happy by cleaving to God, the evil wretched through pride; an evil will has no efficient cause, and arises not from nature but from a nature's having been made from nothing.
- “Pride is the beginning of all sin” is Sir 10:13 (Vulgate 10:15). “They would not keep their strength for him” adapts Ps 59:9 (LXX 58:10, “my strength I will keep for you”). The example of two men seeing the same beauty illustrates the will's own consent.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (period misread for comma; stray period): corpore uideant. unius → corpore uideant unius; propria uoluntate. ubi → propria uoluntate, ubi.
Extrabiblical texts: Sir 10:13 (Sirach [in RC, EO, ETH canons]; quotation)
Topics: Ethics
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.6 (CSEL 40:573–577; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-6). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.7CSEL 40:577–578
CAPUT VII. Causam efficientem malae uoluntatis non esse quaerendam. Nemo igitur quaerat efficientem causam malae uoluntatis; non enim est efficiens sed deficiens, quia nec illa effectio sed defectio. Deficere namque ab eo, quod summe est, ad id, quod minus est, hoc est incipere habere uoluntatem malam. Causas porro defectionum istarum, cum efficientes non sint, ut dixi, sed deficientes, uelle inuenire tale est, ac si quisquam uelit uidere tenebras uel audire silentium, quod tamen utrumque nobis notum est, neque illud nisi per oculos, neque hoc nisi per aures, non sane in specie, sed in speciei priuatione. Nemo ergo ex me scire quaerat, quod me nescire scio, nisi forte ut nescire discat, quod sciri non posse sciendum est. Ea quippe quae non in specie, sed in eius priuatione sciuntur, si dici aut intellegi potest, quodam modo nesciendo sciuntur, ut sciendo nesciantur. Cum enim acies etiam oculi corporalis currit per species corporales, nusquam tenebras uidet, nisi ubi coeperit non uidere. Ita etiam non ad aliquem alium sensum, sed ad solas aures pertinet sentire silentium, quod tamen nullo modo nisi non audiendo sentitur. Sic species intellegibiles mens quidem nostra intellegendo conspicit; sed ubi deficiunt, nesciendo condiscit. Delicta enim quis intellegit?
Chapter 7. That the efficient cause of an evil will is not to be sought.
Let no one, then, seek the efficient cause of an evil will; for it is not efficient but deficient, since the evil will itself is not an effecting but a defecting. For to fall away from that which supremely is to that which is less, this is to begin to have an evil will. Further, to want to find the causes of these defections, since they are, as I said, not efficient but deficient, is as if someone wanted to see darkness or hear silence; yet both are known to us, the one only through the eyes, the other only through the ears, not indeed as a form but as the privation of form. Let no one, then, seek to know from me what I know I do not know, unless perhaps to learn not to know what must be known cannot be known. For things that are known not by their form but by its privation are, if it can be said or understood, in a way known by not knowing, so that they are not known by knowing. For when even the sight of the bodily eye runs over bodily forms, it sees darkness nowhere except where it begins not to see. So too it belongs to no other sense but the ears alone to perceive silence, which yet is perceived in no way except by not hearing. So our mind indeed beholds intelligible forms by understanding; but where they fail, it learns by not knowing. For “who understands his faults?”
Ps 19:12 (18:13 LXX) (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: An evil will has no efficient cause but only a deficient one; its origin, like darkness or silence, is known only as a privation.
- Ps 19:12 (LXX 18:13) quoted: “Delicta quis intellegit?” Augustine plays on efficiens/deficiens and effectio/defectio.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.7 (CSEL 40:577–578; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-7). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.8CSEL 40:578–579
CAPUT VIII. De amore peruerso, quo uoluntas ab incommutabili bono ad mutabile bonum deficit. Hoc scio, naturam Dei numquam, nusquam, nulla ex parte posse deficere, et ea posse deficere, quae ex nihilo facta sunt. Quae tamen quanto magis sunt et bona faciunt (tunc enim aliquid faciunt), causas habent efficientes; in quantum autem deficiunt et ex hoc mala faciunt (quid enim tunc faciunt nisi uana?), causas habent deficientes. Itemque scio, in quo fit mala uoluntas, id in eo fieri, quod si nollet non fieret, et ideo non necessarios, sed uoluntarios defectus iusta poena consequitur. Deficitur enim non ad mala, sed male, id est non ad malas naturas, sed ideo male, quia contra ordinem naturarum ab eo quod summe est ad id quod minus est. Neque enim auri uitium est auaritia, sed hominis peruerse amantis aurum iustitia derelicta, quae incomparabiliter auro debuit anteponi; nec luxuria uitium est pulchrorum suauiumque corporum, sed animae peruerse amantis corporeas uoluptates neglecta temperantia, qua rebus spiritaliter pulchrioribus et incorruptibiliter suauioribus coaptamur; nec iactantia uitium est laudis humanae, sed animae peruerse amantis laudari ab hominibus spreto testimonio conscientiae; nec superbia uitium est dantis potestatem uel ipsius etiam potestatis, sed animae peruerse amantis potestatem suam potentioris iustiore contemta. Ac per hoc qui peruerse amat cuiuslibet naturae bonum, etiamsi adipiscatur, ipse fit in bono malus et miser meliore priuatus.
Chapter 8. Of the perverse love by which the will falls away from the unchangeable good to a changeable good.
This I know: that the nature of God can never, nowhere, in no part fall away, and that things made from nothing can fall away. Yet these, in so far as they more fully are and do good (for then they do something), have efficient causes; but in so far as they fall away and so do evil (for what then do they do but vain things?), they have deficient causes. Likewise I know that when an evil will arises in anyone, what happens in him would not happen if he did not will it; and therefore just punishment follows defections that are not necessary but voluntary. For the falling away is not to evil things but evilly, that is, not to evil natures, but evilly because contrary to the order of natures, from that which supremely is to that which is less. For avarice is not a fault of gold but of the man who perversely loves gold, forsaking justice, which ought to have been set incomparably above gold; nor is lust a fault of beautiful and pleasant bodies, but of the soul that perversely loves bodily pleasures, neglecting temperance, by which we are fitted to things spiritually more beautiful and incorruptibly more pleasant; nor is boasting a fault of human praise, but of the soul that perversely loves to be praised by men, despising the testimony of conscience; nor is pride a fault of the one who gives power, or of power itself, but of the soul that perversely loves its own power, despising the more just power of one more powerful. And therefore he who perversely loves the good of any nature, even if he obtains it, himself becomes evil in the good, and wretched, deprived of a better good.
Notes and citation
Summary: The will sins not by turning to evil things but by turning evilly, out of order, to lesser goods: avarice, lust, boasting, and pride lie in the soul's perverse love, not in their objects.
- “Lust” renders luxuria here.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (period misread for comma): nisi uana?). causas → nisi uana?), causas.
Topics: Ethics
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.8 (CSEL 40:578–579; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-8). (abbreviation not yet checked)
BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-12-8) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.9CSEL 40:579–582
CAPUT VIIII. An sancti angeli, quem habent creatorem naturae, eundem habeant bonae uoluntatis auctorem per Spiritum sanctum in eis caritate diffusa. Cum ergo malae uoluntatis efficiens naturalis uel, si dici potest, essentialis nulla sit causa (ab ipsa quippe incipit spirituum mutabilium malum, quo minuitur adque deprauatur naturae bonum, nec talem uoluntatem facit nisi defectio, qua deseritur Deus, cuius defectionis etiam causa utique deficit): si dixerimus nullam esse efficientem causam etiam uoluntatis bonae, cauendum est, ne uoluntas bona bonorum angelorum non facta, sed Deo coaeterna esse credatur. Cum ergo ipsi facti sint, quo modo illa non esse facta dicetur? Porro quia facta est, utrum cum ipsis facta est, an sine illa fuerunt prius? Sed si cum ipsis, non dubium quod ab illo facta sit, a quo et ipsi; simulque ut facti sunt, ei, a quo facti sunt, amore, cum quo facti sunt, adhaeserunt; eoque sunt isti ab illorum societate discreti, quod illi in eadem bona uoluntate manserunt, isti ab ea deficiendo mutati sunt, mala scilicet uoluntate hoc ipso quod a bona defecerunt; a qua non defecissent, si utique noluissent. Si autem boni angeli fuerunt prius sine bona uoluntate eamque in se ipsi Deo non operante fecerunt, ergo meliores a se ipsis quam ab illo facti sunt. Absit. Quid enim erant sine bona uoluntate nisi mali? Aut si propterea non mali, quia nec mala uoluntas eis inerat (neque enim ab ea, quam nondum coeperant habere, defecerant), certe nondum tales, nondum tam boni quam esse cum bona uoluntate coeperunt. At si non potuerunt se ipsos facere meliores, quam eos ille fecerat, quo nemo melius quidquam facit: profecto et bonam uoluntatem, qua meliores essent, nisi operante adiutorio Creatoris habere non possent. Et cum id egit eorum uoluntas bona, ut non ad se ipsos, qui minus erant, sed ad illum, qui summe est, conuerterentur eique adhaerentes magis essent eiusque participatione sapienter beateque uiuerent: quid aliud ostenditur nisi uoluntatem quamlibet bonam inopem fuisse in solo desiderio remansuram, nisi ille, qui bonam naturam ex nihilo sui capacem fecerat, ex se ipso faceret inplendo meliorem, prius faciens excitando auidiorem? Nam et hoc discutiendum est, si boni angeli ipsi in se fecerunt bonam uoluntatem, utrum aliqua eam an nulla uoluntate fecerunt. Si nulla, utique nec fecerunt. Si aliqua, utrum mala an bona? Si mala, quo modo esse potuit mala uoluntas bonae uoluntatis effectrix? Si bona, iam ergo habebant. Et istam quis fecerat nisi ille, qui eos cum bona uoluntate, id est cum amore casto quo illi adhaererent, creauit, simul eis et condens naturam et largiens gratiam? Unde sine bona uoluntate, hoc est Dei amore, numquam sanctos angelos fuisse credendum est. Isti autem, qui, cum boni creati essent, tamen mali sunt (mala propria uoluntate, quam bona natura non fecit, nisi cum a bono sponte defecit, ut mali causa non sit bonum, sed defectus a bono), aut minorem acceperunt diuini amoris gratiam quam illi, qui in eadem perstiterunt, aut si utrique boni aequaliter creati sunt, istis mala uoluntate cadentibus illi amplius adiuti ad eam beatitudinis plenitudinem, unde se numquam casuros certissimi fierent, peruenerunt; sicut iam etiam in libro, quem sequitur iste, tractauimus. Confitendum est igitur cum debita laude Creatoris non ad solos sanctos homines pertinere, uerum etiam de sanctis angelis posse dici, quod caritas Dei diffusa sit in eis per Spiritum sanctum, qui datus est eis; nec tantum hominum, sed primitus praecipueque angelorum bonum esse, quod scriptum est: Mihi autem adhaerere Deo bonum est. Hoc bonum quibus commune est, habent et cum illo cui adhaerent et inter se sanctam societatem et sunt una ciuitas Dei eademque uiuum sacrificium eius uiuumque templum eius. Cuius pars, quae coniungenda inmortalibus angelis ex mortalibus hominibus congregatur et nunc mortaliter peregrinatur in terris uel in eis, qui mortem obierunt, secretis animarum receptaculis sedibusque requiescit, eodem Deo creante quem ad modum exorta sit, sicut de angelis dictum est, iam uideo esse dicendum. Ex uno quippe homine, quem primum Deus condidit, humanum genus sumsit exordium secundum sanctae scripturae fidem, quae mirabilem auctoritatem non inmerito habet in orbe terrarum adque in omnibus gentibus, quas sibi esse credituras inter cetera uera, quae dixit, uera diuinitate praedixit.
Chapter 9. Whether the holy angels have the same one as author of their good will whom they have as creator of their nature, through the Holy Spirit, who pours love into them.
Since, then, there is no natural or, if one may say so, essential efficient cause of an evil will (for from it begins the evil of changeable spirits, by which the good of their nature is lessened and depraved, and nothing makes such a will but the defection by which God is forsaken, and the cause of this defection also is certainly deficient), if we say that there is no efficient cause of a good will either, we must beware lest the good will of the good angels be believed not to have been made but to be coeternal with God. Since, then, they themselves were made, how can it be said that their good will was not made? Further, since it was made, was it made with them, or were they without it at first? But if with them, there is no doubt that it was made by him by whom they too were made; and as soon as they were made, they cleaved to him by whom they were made, with the love with which they were made; and these were separated from the fellowship of the others in this, that they remained in the same good will, while the others were changed by falling away from it, namely by an evil will, in the very fact that they fell away from the good; from which they would not have fallen away had they not willed it. But if the good angels were at first without a good will and made it in themselves without God's working, then they were made better by themselves than by him. Far from it. For what were they without a good will but evil? Or if they were not evil because there was no evil will in them either (for they had not fallen away from a will which they had not yet begun to have), certainly they were not yet such, not yet as good, as they began to be with a good will. But if they could not make themselves better than he had made them, than whom no one makes anything better, then certainly they could not have the good will by which they would be better except by the working help of the Creator. And when their good will brought it about that they turned not to themselves, who were less, but to him who supremely is, and cleaving to him were more, and by participation in him lived wisely and happily, what else is shown but that any good will would have been poor and would have remained in mere desire, had not he who had made a good nature from nothing, capable of himself, made it better by filling it from himself, first making it more eager by stirring it up? For this too must be discussed: if the good angels themselves made the good will in themselves, did they make it by some will or by none? If by none, they certainly did not make it. If by some, was it evil or good? If evil, how could an evil will be the maker of a good will? If good, then they already had it. And who had made this but he who created them with a good will, that is, with the chaste love by which they might cleave to him, at the same time establishing their nature and bestowing grace on them? Hence it must be believed that the holy angels were never without a good will, that is, without the love of God. But those who, though created good, are yet evil (evil by their own will, which a good nature did not make except when it freely fell away from the good, so that the cause of evil is not the good but the falling away from the good), either received less grace of divine love than those who persevered in it, or, if both were created equally good, then, while these fell by an evil will, the others, more fully helped, came to that fullness of happiness from which they became most certain that they would never fall; as we have also discussed in the book before this one.
We must confess, then, with due praise of the Creator, that it belongs not only to holy men but can be said also of the holy angels that “the love of God has been poured out in them through the Holy Spirit, who has been given to them”; and that it is the good not only of men but first and chiefly of angels, as it is written: “But for me it is good to cleave to God.” Those to whom this good is common have a holy fellowship both with him to whom they cleave and among themselves, and are one city of God, and likewise his living sacrifice and his living temple. Of this city, the part which is gathered from mortal men to be joined to the immortal angels, and which now as a mortal pilgrim sojourns on earth, or, in those who have died, rests in the hidden receptacles and abodes of souls, I see that I must now say, as was said of the angels, how it arose by the creating of the same God. For the human race took its beginning from one man, whom God first made, according to the faith of Holy Scripture, which not undeservedly has wonderful authority throughout the world and among all the nations whom, among the other true things it said, it foretold with true divinity would believe it.
Rom 5:5 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 73:28 (72:28 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 12:1 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Cor 3:16 (allusion, medium confidence) · Acts 17:26 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: The good angels' good will was made by God with them, by grace; the fallen either received less grace or the good were helped further; both angels and saints form one city of God, whose human part begins from one man.
- Rom 5:5 adapted (“in them … to them”); Ps 73:28 (LXX 72:28); Rom 12:1; 1 Cor 3:16–17. Augustine leaves open whether the fallen angels received less grace or the good received more help after the fall (cf. 11.13).
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (period misread for comma; periods misread for commas): deseritur Deus. cuius → deseritur Deus, cuius; simulque ut facti sunt, ei. a quo facti sunt, amore. cum quo → simulque ut facti sunt, ei, a quo facti sunt, amore, cum quo; non defecissent. si → non defecissent, si; Si aliqua. utrum → Si aliqua, utrum; angelorum bonum esse. quod → angelorum bonum esse, quod; Cuius pars. quae → Cuius pars, quae; uno quippe homine. quem → uno quippe homine, quem; scripturae fidem. quae → scripturae fidem, quae.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.9 (CSEL 40:579–582; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-9). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.10CSEL 40:582–583
CAPUT X. De opinione eorum, qui humanum genus sicut ipsum mundum semper fuisse existimant. Omittamus igitur coniecturas hominum nescientium quid loquantur de natura uel institutione generis humani. Alii namque, sicut de ipso mundo crediderunt, semper fuisse homines opinantur. Unde et ait Apuleius, cum hoc animantium genus describeret: Singillatim mortales, cuncti tamen uniuerso genere perpetui. Et cum illis dictum fuerit, si semper fuit humanum genus, quonam modo uerum eorum loquatur historia narrans qui fuerint quarumque rerum inuentores, qui primi liberalium disciplinarum aliarumque artium institutores, uel a quibus primum illa uel illa regio parsque terrarum, illa adque illa insula incoli coeperit, respondent diluuiis et conflagrationibus per certa interualla temporum non quidem omnia, sed plurima terrarum ita uastari, ut redigantur homines ad exiguam paucitatem, ex quorum progenie rursus multitudo pristina reparetur; ac sic identidem reperiri et institui quasi prima, cum restituantur potius, quae fuerant illis nimiis uastationibus interrupta et extincta; ceterum hominem nisi ex homine existere omnino non posse. Dicunt autem quod putant, non quod sciunt.
Chapter 10. Of the opinion of those who think that the human race, like the world itself, has always existed.
Let us leave aside, then, the conjectures of men who do not know what they are saying about the nature or creation of the human race. For some, as they believed of the world itself, think that there have always been men. Hence Apuleius too says, when describing this kind of living being: “Mortal individually, yet as a whole race everlasting.” And when it is said to them: if the human race has always existed, how does their history speak truly in telling who were the inventors of what things, who first founded the liberal disciplines and the other arts, or by whom this or that region and part of the earth, this or that island, first began to be inhabited? they answer that at certain intervals of time floods and conflagrations lay waste, not indeed all, but most of the lands, so that men are reduced to a small number, from whose offspring the former multitude is restored again; and that thus things are again and again discovered and established as if for the first time, when rather they are restored, having been interrupted and extinguished by those excessive devastations; but that man cannot come into existence at all except from man. But they say what they think, not what they know.
Notes and citation
Summary: Some pagans held that the human race is everlasting, explaining recorded origins by periodic floods and fires; Augustine calls this opinion, not knowledge.
- Apuleius, On the God of Socrates 4, quoted. The cyclical floods and conflagrations recall Plato, Timaeus 22c–23b. No extrabiblical entry exists for Apuleius.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (period misread for comma): artium institutores. uel → artium institutores, uel; parsque terrarum. illa → parsque terrarum, illa; quod putant. non → quod putant, non.
Extrabiblical texts: Plato, Tim. 22c (Plato (works); allusion); Apuleius (Apuleius; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.10 (CSEL 40:582–583; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-10). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.11CSEL 40:583–584
CAPUT XI. De falsitate eius historiae, quae multa milia annorum praeteritis temporibus adscribit. Fallunt eos etiam quaedam mendacissimae litterae, quas perhibent in historia temporum multa annorum milia continere, cum ex litteris sacris ab institutione hominis nondum conpleta annorum sex milia conputemus. Unde ne multa disputem quem ad modum illarum litterarum, in quibus longe plura annorum milia referuntur, uanitas refellatur et nulla in illis rei huius idonea reperiatur auctoritas: illa epistula Alexandri Magni ad Olympiadem matrem suam, quam scripsit narrationem cuiusdam Aegyptii sacerdotis insinuans, quam protulit ex litteris quae sacrae aput illos haberentur, continet etiam regna, quae Graeca quoque nouit historia; in quibus regnum Assyriorum in eadem epistula Alexandri quinque milia excedit annorum; in Graeca uero historia mille ferme et trecentos habet ab ipsius Beli principatu, quem regem et ille Aegyptius in eiusdem regni ponit exordio; Persarum autem et Macedonum imperium usque ad ipsum Alexandrum, cui loquebatur, plus quam octo annorum milia ille constituit, cum aput Graecos Macedonum usque ad mortem Alexandri quadringenti octoginta quinque reperiantur, Persarum uero, donec ipsius Alexandri uictoria finiretur, ducenti et triginta tres conputentur. Longe itaque hi numeri annorum illis Aegyptiis sunt minores, nec eis, etiamsi ter tantum conputarentur, aequarent. Perhibentur enim Aegyptii quondam tam breues annos habuisse, ut quaternis mensibus finirentur; unde annus plenior et uerior, qualis nunc et nobis et illis est, tres eorum annos conplectebatur antiquos. Sed ne sic quidem, ut dixi, Graeca Aegyptiae numero temporum concordat historia. Et ideo Graecae potius fides habenda est, quia ueritatem non excedit annorum, qui litteris nostris, quae uere sacrae sunt, continentur. Porro si haec epistula Alexandri, quae maxime innotuit, multum abhorret in spatiis temporum a probabili fide rerum: quanto minus credendum est illis litteris, quas plenas fabulosis uelut antiquitatibus proferre uoluerint contra auctoritatem notissimorum diuinorumque librorum, quae totum orbem sibi crediturum esse praedixit, et cui totus orbis, sicut ab ea praedictum est, credidit; quae uera se narrasse praeterita ex his, quae futura praenuntiauit, cum tanta ueritate inplentur, ostendit.
Chapter 11. Of the falsity of that history which assigns many thousands of years to past times.
They are also deceived by certain most lying writings which they claim contain many thousands of years in the history of the times, whereas from the sacred writings we reckon that not yet six thousand years have been completed since the creation of man. So, not to argue at length how the vanity of those writings, in which far more thousands of years are recorded, may be refuted, and how no fit authority for this matter is found in them: that letter of Alexander the Great to his mother Olympias, in which he conveyed the account of a certain Egyptian priest, which the priest produced from writings held sacred among them, contains also kingdoms which Greek history too knows. Among these, the kingdom of the Assyrians in that same letter of Alexander exceeds five thousand years; but in Greek history it has about thirteen hundred from the reign of Belus himself, whom that Egyptian too places at the beginning of the same kingdom. And the empire of the Persians and Macedonians down to Alexander himself, to whom he was speaking, he reckoned at more than eight thousand years, whereas among the Greeks four hundred and eighty-five are found for the Macedonians down to the death of Alexander, and two hundred and thirty-three are reckoned for the Persians until they were ended by Alexander's own victory. These numbers of years are thus far smaller than those of the Egyptians, and would not equal them even if they were counted three times over. For the Egyptians are said once to have had years so short that they ended every four months; hence the fuller and truer year, such as both we and they have now, would comprise three of their ancient years. But not even so, as I have said, does Greek history agree with the Egyptian in the number of its times. And therefore faith is to be given rather to the Greek, because it does not exceed the true number of years contained in our writings, which are truly sacred. Further, if this letter of Alexander, which became very widely known, is far removed in its spans of time from probable truth, how much less are those writings to be believed which, full of fabulous and pretended antiquities, they have wished to set up against the authority of the most famous and divine books, which foretold that the whole world would believe them, and which the whole world, as they foretold, has believed; and which show that they told the truth about things past by the things they foretold of the future, which are being fulfilled with such great truth.
Notes and citation
Summary: Egyptian chronologies of many thousands of years, as in Alexander's letter to Olympias, disagree even with Greek history and deserve no credit against Scripture's reckoning of under six thousand years.
- The letter of Alexander to Olympias (a pseudonymous work known to Augustine, also cited in 8.5 and 8.27) is not in the extrabiblical list. The chronology of under six thousand years follows the Septuagint-based reckoning of Augustine's time.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (period misread for comma; stray period): sunt minores. nec eis → sunt minores, nec eis; ne sic quidem. ut dixi → ne sic quidem, ut dixi; uere sacrae sunt. continentur → uere sacrae sunt, continentur; litteris, quas. plenas → litteris, quas plenas.
Topics: Scripture and canon
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.11 (CSEL 40:583–584; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-11). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.12CSEL 40:584–585
CAPUT XII. De his, qui hunc quidem mundum non sempiternum putant, sed aut innumerabiles aut eundem unum certa conclusione saeculorum semper nasci et resolui opinantur. Alii uero, qui mundum istum non existimant sempiternum, siue non eum solum, sed innumerabiles opinentur, siue solum quidem esse, sed certis saeculorum interuallis innumerabiliter oriri et occidere, necesse est fateantur hominum genus prius sine hominibus gignentibus extitisse. Neque enim ut alluuionibus incendiisque terrarum, quas illi non putant toto prorsus orbe contingere, et ideo paucos homines, ex quibus multitudo pristina reparetur, semper remanere contendunt, ita et hi possunt putare, quod aliquid hominum pereunte mundo relinquatur in mundo; sed sicut ipsum mundum ex materia sua renasci existimant, ita in illo ex elementis eius genus humanum ac deinde a parentibus progeniem pullulare mortalium, sicut aliorum animalium.
Chapter 12. Of those who think that this world is indeed not everlasting, but hold either that there are innumerable worlds or that one and the same world is always born and dissolved at a fixed completion of ages.
Others, who do not think this world everlasting, whether they suppose that there is not this one only but innumerable worlds, or that there is indeed only one but that it rises and perishes innumerable times at fixed intervals of ages, must admit that the human race first came into existence without men to beget them. For these cannot think, as those do who hold that floods and conflagrations do not reach absolutely the whole earth and therefore contend that a few men always remain from whom the former multitude is restored, that when the world perishes some part of mankind is left in the world; but as they think that the world itself is reborn from its own matter, so they think that in it the human race springs from its elements, and then a progeny of mortals from parents, as with the other animals.
Notes and citation
Summary: Those who hold that there are many worlds, or that the world perishes and is reborn, must admit that the first humans arose without human parents.
- Epicureans (innumerable worlds) and Stoics (cyclical conflagration and rebirth) are in view.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR slip; period misread for comma): innumerabiles opinentur. siue → innumerabiles opinentur, siue; alluuioibus → alluuionibus.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.12 (CSEL 40:584–585; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-12). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.13CSEL 40:585–587
CAPUT XIII. Quid respondendum sit his, qui primam conditionem hominis tardam esse causantur. Quod autem respondimus, cum de mundi origine quaestio uerteretur, eis, qui nolunt credere non eum semper fuisse, sed esse coepisse, sicut etiam Plato apertissime confitetur, quamuis a nonnullis contra quam loquitur sensisse credatur: hoc etiam de prima hominis conditione responderim, propter eos, qui similiter mouentur, quur homo per innumerabilia adque infinita retro tempora creatus non sit tamque sero sit creatus, ut minus quam sex milia sint annorum, ex quo esse coepisse in sacris litteris inuenitur. Si enim breuitas eos offendit temporis, quod tam pauci eis uidentur anni, ex quo institutus homo in nostris auctoritatibus legitur: considerent nihil esse diuturnum, in quo est aliquid extremum, et omnia saeculorum spatia definita, si aeternitati interminae comparentur, non exigua existimanda esse, sed nulla. Ac per hoc si non quinque uel sex, uerum etiam sexaginta milia siue sescenta, aut sexagiens, aut sescentiens, aut sescentiens miliens dicerentur annorum, aut itidem per totidem totiens multiplicaretur haec summa, ubi iam nullum numeri nomen haberemus, ex quo Deus hominem fecit: similiter quaeri posset, quur ante non fecerit. Dei quippe ab hominis creatione cessatio retrorsus aeterna sine initio tanta est, ut, si ei conferatur quamlibet magna et ineffabilis numerositas temporum, quae tamen fine conclusa certi spatii terminatur, nec saltem tanta uideri debeat, quanta si umoris breuissimam guttam uniuerso mari, etiam quantum oceanus circumfluit, conparemus; quoniam istorum duorum unum quidem perexiguum est, alterum incomparabiliter magnum, sed utrumque finitum; illud uero temporis spatium, quod ab aliquo initio progreditur et aliquo termino cohercetur, magnitudine quantacumque tendatur, conparatum illi, quod initium non habet, nescio utrum pro minimo an potius pro nullo deputandum est. Hinc enim si a fine uel breuissima singillatim momenta detrahantur, decrescente numero licet tam ingenti, ut uocabulum non inueniat, retrorsum redeundo (tamquam si hominis dies ab illo, in quo nunc uiuit, usque ad illum, in quo natus est, detrahas) quandoque ad initium illa detractio perducetur. Si autem detrahantur retrorsus in spatio, quod a nullo coepit exordio, non dico singillatim minuta momenta uel horarum aut dierum aut mensum aut annorum etiam quantitates, sed tam magna spatia, quanta illa summa conprehendit annorum, quae iam dici a quibuslibet conputatoribus non potest, quae tamen momentorum minutatim detractione consumitur, et detrahantur haec tanta spatia non semel adque iterum saepiusque, sed semper: quid fit, quid agitur, quando numquam ad initium, quod omnino nullum est, peruenitur? Quapropter quod nos modo quaerimus post quinque milia et quod excurrit annorum, possent et posteri etiam post annorum sescentiens miliens eadem curiositate requirere, si in tantum haec mortalitas hominum exoriendo et occubando et inperita perseueraret infirmitas. Potuerunt et qui fuerunt ante nos ipsis recentibus hominis creati temporibus istam mouere quaestionem. Ipse denique primus homo uel postridie uel eodem die postea quam factus est potuit inquirere, quur non ante sit factus; et quandocumque antea factus esset, non uires tunc alias et alias nunc uel etiam postea ista de initio rerum temporalium controuersia reperiret.
Chapter 13. What answer is to be given to those who object that the first creation of man was late.
What we answered, when the question turned on the origin of the world, to those who will not believe that it did not always exist but began to be, as even Plato most plainly confesses (though some believe he thought the contrary of what he says), I would answer also about the first creation of man, on account of those who are similarly troubled why man was not created through innumerable and infinite past ages, and was created so late that it is less than six thousand years since he began to exist, as is found in the sacred writings. For if the shortness of the time offends them, because so few years seem to them to have passed since man was made, as we read in our authorities, let them consider that nothing is long in which there is some last point, and that all the spaces of the ages, being defined, if compared with endless eternity, must be reckoned not small but nothing. And so, if not five or six, but sixty thousand or six hundred thousand, or sixty times or six hundred times or six hundred thousand times as many years were said to have passed since God made man, or if this sum were multiplied again by the same amount as many times, until we had no longer any name of a number, it could similarly be asked why he did not make him earlier. For God's abstention from creating man, stretching back eternally without beginning, is so great that, if any number of times, however great and unspeakable, is compared with it, which is yet closed by an end and bounded by a fixed span, it ought not even to seem as great as if we compared the smallest drop of water to the whole sea, even all that the ocean flows around. For of these two, one is very small and the other incomparably great, but both are finite; but that span of time which proceeds from some beginning and is bounded by some end, however great its extent, compared with that which has no beginning, I do not know whether it should be reckoned as very small or rather as nothing. For if from the end even the briefest moments are taken away one by one, the number, however huge, so that it finds no name, will decrease, and going backward (as if you were to take away a man's days from the one in which he now lives back to the one on which he was born) the subtraction will at some time be brought to the beginning. But if, in a span that began from no starting point, you subtract backward, I do not say single small moments, or quantities of hours or days or months or years, but spans as great as that sum of years comprises which no reckoner can now name, which is nonetheless used up by the subtraction of moments one by one; and if these so great spans are subtracted not once and again and more often, but always: what happens, what is achieved, when one never reaches a beginning, which does not exist at all? Therefore what we now ask after five thousand years and a little more, our descendants too might ask with the same curiosity after six hundred thousand times as many years, if this mortality of men, rising and setting, and this unskilled weakness were to last so long. Those who were before us, in the very times close to man's creation, could have raised this question. Finally, the first man himself, the day after or even on the same day on which he was made, could have asked why he was not made before; and whenever he had been made before, this dispute about the beginning of temporal things would have found no other force then than now, or even later.
Notes and citation
Summary: Any finite span of human history, however long, is nothing beside eternity, so the complaint that man was created late could be raised at any time.
- Plato's Timaeus teaches that the world had a beginning, though some Platonists read it otherwise (cf. 10.31). “Five thousand years and a little more”: Augustine's reckoning of the time since Adam. The Latin “non uires tunc alias et alias nunc” is awkward in the digital text; it is rendered by sense (the question would have the same force at any time).
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR slip; period misread for comma): termino cohercetur. magnitudine → termino cohercetur, magnitudine; siugillatim → singillatim; quod excurrit annorum. possent → quod excurrit annorum, possent; curiositate requirere. si → curiositate requirere, si.
Extrabiblical texts: Plato (Plato (works); allusion)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.13 (CSEL 40:585–587; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-13). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.14CSEL 40:587–589
CAPUT XIIII. De reuolutione saeculorum, quibus certo fine con- clusis uniuersa semper in eundem ordinem eandemque speciem reditura quidam philosophi crediderunt. Hanc autem se philosophi mundi huius non aliter putauerunt posse uel debere dissoluere, nisi ut circuitus temporum inducerent, quibus eadem semper fuisse renouata adque repetita in rerum natura adque ita deinceps fore sine cessatione adseuerarent uolumina uenientium et praetereuntium saeculorum; siue in mundo permanente isti circuitus fierent, siue certis interuallis oriens et occidens mundus eadem semper quasi noua, quae transacta et uentura sunt, exhiberet. A quo ludibrio prorsus inmortalem animam, etiam cum sapientiam perceperit, liberare non possunt, euntem sine cessatione ad falsam beatitudinem et ad ueram miseriam sine cessatione redeuntem. Quo modo enim uera beatitudo est, de cuius numquam aeternitate confiditur, dum anima uenturam miseriam aut inperitissime in ueritate nescit aut infelicissime in beatitudine pertimescit? At si ad miserias numquam ulterius reditura ex his ad beatitudinem pergit: fit ergo aliquid noui in tempore, quod finem non habet temporis. Quur non ergo et mundus? quur non et homo factus in mundo? ut illi nescio qui falsi circuitus a falsis sapientibus fallacibusque conperti in doctrina sana tramite recti itineris euitentur. Nam quidam et illud, quod legitur in libro Salomonis, qui uocatur ecclesiastes: Quid est quod fuit? Ipsum quod erit. Et quid est quod factum est? Ipsum quod fiet; et non est omne recens sub sole. Qui loquetur et dicet: Ecce hoc nouum est: iam fuit saeculis quae fuerunt ante nos, propter hos circuitus in eadem redeuntes et in eadem cuncta reuocantes dictum intellegi uolunt; quod ille aut de his rebus dixit, de quibus superius loquebatur, hoc est de generationibus aliis euntibus, aliis uenientibus, de solis anfractibus, de torrentium lapsibus: aut certe de omnium rerum generibus, quae oriuntur adque occidunt. Fuerunt enim homines ante nos, sunt et nobiscum, erunt et post nos: ita quaeque animantia uel arbusta. Monstra quoque ipsa, quae inusitata nascuntur, quamuis inter se diuersa sint et quaedam eorum semel facta narrentur, tamen secundum id, quod generaliter miracula et monstra sunt, utique et fuerunt et erunt. nec recens et nouum est, ut monstrum sub sole nascatur. Quamuis haec uerba quidam sic intellexerint, tamquam in praedestinatione Dei iam facta fuisse omnia sapiens ille uoluisset intellegi, et ideo nihil recens esse sub sole. Absit autem a recta fide, ut his Salomonis uerbis illos circuitus significatos esse credamus, quibus illi putant sic eadem temporum temporaliumque rerum uolumina repeti, ut uerbi gratia, sicut isto saeculo Plato philosophus in urbe Atheniensi et in ea schola, quae Academia dicta est, discipulos docuit, ita per innumerabilia retro saecula multum quidem prolixis interuallis, sed tamen certis, et idem Plato et eadem ciuitas et eadem schola idemque discipuli repetiti et per innumerabilia deinde saecula repetendi sint. Absit, inquam, ut nos ista credamus. Semel enim Christus mortuus est pro peccatis nostris; surgens autem a mortuis iam non moritur, et mors ei ultra non dominabitur; et nos post resurrectionem semper cum Domino erimus, cui modo dicimus, quod sacer admonet psalmus: Tu, Domine, seruabis nos et custodies nos a generatione hac et in aeternum. Satis autem istis existimo conuenire quod sequitur: In circuitu inpii ambulabunt; non quia per circulos, quos opinantur, eorum uita est recursura, sed quia modo talis est erroris eorum uia, id est falsa doctrina.
Chapter 14. Of the revolution of ages, at the fixed end of which some philosophers believed that all things always return to the same order and the same form.
The philosophers of this world have thought that they could and should solve this controversy in no other way than by introducing cycles of times, in which they asserted that the same things have always been renewed and repeated in the nature of things, and that so the revolutions of coming and passing ages will go on hereafter without ceasing; whether these cycles take place while the world continues, or whether the world, rising and perishing at fixed intervals, always presents the same things, past and future, as if new. From this mockery they cannot free even the immortal soul, even when it has attained wisdom; it goes without ceasing to a false happiness and without ceasing returns to a true misery. For how is that true happiness of whose eternity one is never confident, while the soul either, most ignorantly, does not know in the truth of the misery to come, or, most unhappily, dreads it in its happiness? But if it passes from these miseries to happiness never to return to them again, then something new happens in time which has no end in time. Why not, then, the world too? Why not also man, made in the world? So that those false cycles, discovered by false and deceitful wise men, may be avoided in sound doctrine by the path of the straight way.
For some want that saying which we read in the book of Solomon called Ecclesiastes, “What is it that has been? The same that will be. And what is it that has been done? The same that will be done; and there is nothing new under the sun. Who will speak and say, Behold, this is new? It has already been in the ages that were before us,” to be understood as said of these cycles returning to the same things and recalling all things to the same. But he said it either of the things of which he was speaking above, that is, of generations going and coming, of the circuits of the sun, of the flowing of torrents; or certainly of the kinds of all things that arise and perish. For there were men before us, there are men with us, and there will be men after us; and so with all living things and trees. Even monsters, which are born unusual, though they differ from one another and some are reported to have occurred only once, yet in so far as they are, generally speaking, marvels and monsters, certainly have been and will be; and it is nothing recent and new that a monster should be born under the sun. Some, however, have understood these words as though that wise man meant it to be understood that all things had already been made in God's predestination, and therefore that there is nothing recent under the sun. But far be it from right faith to believe that by these words of Solomon those cycles are meant by which they think the same revolutions of times and temporal things are repeated, so that, for example, just as in this age the philosopher Plato taught his pupils in the city of Athens and in the school called the Academy, so through innumerable ages past, at very long but fixed intervals, the same Plato and the same city and the same school and the same pupils have been repeated and are to be repeated through innumerable ages to come. Far be it, I say, that we should believe this. For Christ died once for our sins; and rising from the dead he dies no more, and death will no more have dominion over him; and after the resurrection we shall be always with the Lord, to whom we now say what the sacred psalm admonishes: “You, O Lord, will keep us and preserve us from this generation and forever.” And what follows, I think, fits these men well enough: “The wicked will walk in a circle”; not because their life will return through the cycles they imagine, but because such is now the way of their error, that is, their false teaching.
Eccl 1:9 (quotation, high confidence) · Eccl 1:10 (quotation, high confidence) · Eccl 1:4 (allusion, high confidence) · Eccl 1:5 (allusion, high confidence) · Eccl 1:7 (allusion, high confidence) · Rom 6:9 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 6:10 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Cor 15:3 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Thess 4:17 (allusion, high confidence) · Ps 12:7 (11:8 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 12:8 (11:9 LXX) (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine rejects the philosophers' doctrine of eternal recurrence, which denies the soul true happiness and misreads Ecclesiastes, since Christ died once and the saints will be with the Lord forever.
- Eccl 1:9–10 quoted; Eccl 1:4–7 alluded to. Rom 6:9–10; 1 Cor 15:3; 1 Thess 4:17; Ps 12:7–8 (LXX 11:8–9), where the Latin reads “the wicked will walk in a circle.” The recurrence doctrine was held by Stoics and some Pythagoreans; Origen discussed it critically.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (period misread for comma): aliis euntibus. aliis → aliis euntibus, aliis; prolixis interuallis. sed → prolixis interuallis, sed.
Topics: Eschatology
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.14 (CSEL 40:587–589; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-14). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
12.15CSEL 40:589–591
CAPUT XV. De temporali conditione generis humani, quam Deus nec nouo consilio instituerit nec mutabili uoluntate. Quid autem mirum est, si in his circuitibus errantes nec aditum nec exitum inueniunt? quia genus humanum adque ista nostra mortalitas nec quo initio coepta sit sciunt, nec quo fine claudatur; quando quidem altitudinem Dei penetrare non possunt, qua, cum ipse sit aeternus et sine initio, ab aliquo tamen initio exorsus est tempora et hominem, quem numquam antea fecerat, fecit in tempore, non tamen nouo et repentino, sed inmutabili aeternoque consilio. Quis hanc ualeat altitudinem inuestigabilem uestigare et inscrutabilem perscrutari, secundum quam Deus hominem temporalem, ante quem nemo umquam hominum fuit, non mutabili uoluntate in tempore condidit et genus humanum ex uno multiplicauit? Quando quidem psalmus ipse cum praemisisset adque dixisset: Tu, Domine, seruabis nos et custodies nos a generatione hac et in aeternum, ac deinde repercussisset eos, in quorum stulta inpiaque doctrina nulla liberationis et beatitudinis animae seruatur aeternitas, continuo subiciens: In circuitu inpii ambulabunt: tamquam ei diceretur: Quid ergo tu credis, sentis, intellegis? numquidnam existimandum est subito Deo placuisse hominem facere, quem numquam antea infinita retro aeternitate fecisset, cui nihil noui accidere potest, in quo mutabile aliquid non est? continuo respondit ad ipsum Deum loquens: Secundum altitudinem tuam multiplicasti filios hominum. Sentiant, inquit, homines quod putant, et quod eis placet opinentur et disputent: Secundum altitudinem tuam, quam nullus potest nosse hominum, multiplicasti filios hominum. Valde quippe altum est et semper fuisse, et hominem, quem numquam fecerat, ex aliquo tempore primum facere uoluisse, nec consilium uoluntatemque mutasse.
Chapter 15. Of the creation of the human race in time, which God established neither by a new counsel nor by a changeable will.
What wonder is it, then, if, wandering in these cycles, they find neither entrance nor exit? For they know neither from what beginning the human race and this mortality of ours began nor with what end it will close, since they cannot penetrate the depth of God, by which, though he himself is eternal and without beginning, he nonetheless began times from some beginning, and made man in time, whom he had never made before, yet not by a new and sudden counsel but by an unchangeable and eternal one. Who could track out this untrackable depth and search out this unsearchable one, according to which God, not by a changeable will, founded in time temporal man, before whom no man ever existed, and multiplied the human race from one? For the psalm itself, when it had first said, “You, O Lord, will keep us and preserve us from this generation and forever,” and had then struck back at those in whose foolish and impious teaching no eternity of the soul's deliverance and happiness is preserved, immediately adding, “The wicked will walk in a circle,” as if it were said to it: “What then do you believe, think, understand? Must it be thought that it suddenly pleased God to make man, whom he had never made before through an infinite past eternity, God to whom nothing new can happen, in whom there is nothing changeable?”, at once answered, speaking to God himself: “According to your depth you have multiplied the sons of men.” Let men, it says, think what they think, and hold and argue what pleases them: “According to your depth,” which no man can know, “you have multiplied the sons of men.” For it is very deep both that he always existed, and that he willed to make man for the first time at some time, whom he had never made before, and yet did not change his counsel and will.
Ps 12:7 (11:8 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 12:8 (11:9 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 11:33 (allusion, high confidence) · Acts 17:26 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: God created man in time by an eternal and unchanging counsel, a depth beyond human search, as the psalm says: “According to your depth you have multiplied the sons of men.”
- Ps 12:7–8 (LXX 11:8–9), whose Latin reads “secundum altitudinem tuam multiplicasti filios hominum”; Rom 11:33 echoed (“unsearchable … untrackable”).
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 12.15 (CSEL 40:589–591; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/12-6/#p-12-15). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).