City of God 19.15–19.22
Latin text: Hoffmann, CSEL 40 (Latin text: Dombart and Hoffmann, De civitate dei (CSEL 40, 1899-1900), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 2 (1887).
Chapter 19
19.15CSEL 40:399–401
CAPUT XV. De libertate naturali et de seruitute, cuius prima causa peccatum est, quia homo malae uoluntatis, etiamsi non est mancipium alterius hominis, seruus est propriae libidinis. Hoc naturalis ordo praescribit, ita Deus hominem condidit. Nam: Dominetur, inquit, piscium maris et uolatilium caeli et omnium repentium, quae repunt super terram. Rationalem factum ad imaginem suam noluit nisi inrationabilibus dominari; non hominem homini. sed hominem pecori. Inde primi iusti pastores pecorum magis quam reges hominum constituti sunt, ut etiam sic insinuaret Deus, quid postulet ordo creaturarum, quid exigat meritum peccatorum. Condicio quippe seruitutis iure intellegitur inposita peccatori. Proinde nusquam scripturarum legimus seruum, antequam hoc uocabulo Noe iustus peccatum filii uindicaret. Nomen itaque istuc culpa meruit, non natura. Origo autem uocabuli seruorum in Latina lingua inde creditur ducta, quod hi, qui iure belli possent occidi. a uictoribus cum seruabantur serui fiebant, a seruando appellati; quod etiam ipsum sine peccati merito non est. Nam et cum iustum geritur bellum, pro peccato e contrario dimicatur; et omnis uictoria, cum etiam malis prouenit, diuino iudicio uictos humiliat uel emendans peccata uel puniens. Testis est homo Dei Daniel. cum in captiuitate positus peccata sua et peccata populi sui confitetur Deo et hanc esse causam illius captiuitatis pio dolore testatur. Prima ergo seruitutis causa peccatum est. ut homo homini condicionis uinculo subderetur; quod non fit nisi Deo iudicante, aput quem non est iniquitas et nouit diuersas poenas meritis distribuere delinquentium. Sicut autem supernus Dominus dicit: Omnis, qui facit peccatum, seruus est peccati, ac per hoc multi quidem religiosi dominis iniquis, non tamen liberis seruiunt: A quo enim quis deuictus est, huic et seruus addictus est. Et utique felicius seruitur homini, quam libidini, cum saeuissimo dominatu uastet corda mortalium, ut alias omittam, libido ipsa dominandi. Hominibus autem illo pacis ordine, quo aliis alii subiecti sunt, sicut prodest humilitas seruientibus, ita nocet superbia dominantibus. Nullus autem natura, in qua prius Deus hominem condidit, seruus est hominis aut peccati. Verum et poenalis seruitus ea lege ordinatur, quae naturalem ordinem conseruari iubet, perturbari uetat; quia si contra eam legem non esset factum, nihil esset poenali seruitute cohercendum. Ideoque apostolus etiam seruos monet subditos esse dominis suis et ex animo eis cum bona uoluntate seruire; ut scilicet, si non possunt a dominis liberi fieri, suam seruitutem ipsi quodam modo liberam faciant, non timore subdolo, sed fideli dilectione seruiendo, donec transeat iniquitas et euacuetur omnis principatus et potestas humana et sit Deus omnia in omnibus.
Chapter 15. On natural freedom and on slavery, whose first cause is sin; because a man of evil will, even if he is not the chattel of another man, is the slave of his own lust.
This the natural order prescribes; so God created man. For he says: “Let him have dominion over the fish of the sea and the birds of the sky and all creeping things that creep upon the earth.” He did not will that the rational being made in his image should have dominion except over irrational beings; not man over man, but man over beast. Hence the first righteous men were set up as shepherds of flocks rather than as kings of men, so that God might suggest in this way too what the order of creatures requires and what the desert of sinners demands. For the condition of slavery is understood to have been rightly imposed on the sinner. Accordingly we nowhere read in the Scriptures of a slave before the righteous Noah punished his son's sin with this word. So it was guilt that earned this name, not nature. The origin of the word for slaves in the Latin language is believed to be drawn from this: that those who by the law of war could be killed became slaves, servi, when they were preserved, servabantur, by the victors, being named from preserving; which itself is not without the desert of sin. For even when a just war is waged, the other side fights for sin; and every victory, even when it falls to the wicked, humbles the conquered by divine judgment, either correcting or punishing sins. The man of God Daniel is witness, when, placed in captivity, he confesses to God his own sins and the sins of his people, and testifies with pious grief that this was the cause of that captivity.
The first cause of slavery, then, is sin, so that man was subjected to man by the bond of that condition; which does not happen except by the judgment of God, with whom there is no injustice, and who knows how to distribute different punishments according to the deserts of offenders. But as the supreme Lord says, “Everyone who commits sin is the slave of sin”; and so many religious men serve unjust masters, yet not free ones: “For by whom a man is overcome, to him he is also given over as a slave.” And certainly it is a happier thing to be a slave to a man than to a lust, since, to pass over others, the very lust for domination lays waste the hearts of mortals with a most savage dominion. But among men, in that order of peace by which some are subject to others, as humility benefits those who serve, so pride harms those who rule. No one, however, by nature, in which God first created man, is the slave of man or of sin. Yet penal slavery too is ordered by that law which commands the natural order to be preserved and forbids it to be disturbed; for if nothing had been done against that law, there would be nothing to be restrained by penal slavery. And therefore the apostle also admonishes slaves to be subject to their masters and to serve them from the heart with good will; so that, if they cannot be made free by their masters, they may themselves make their slavery in a way free, by serving not with deceitful fear but with faithful love, until iniquity passes away and all human rule and power is made void and God is all in all.
Gen 1:26 (quotation, high confidence) · Gen 4:2 (allusion, medium confidence) · Gen 9:25 (allusion, high confidence) · Dan 9:5 (allusion, high confidence) · Dan 9:20 (allusion, high confidence) · Rom 9:14 (allusion, medium confidence) · John 8:34 (quotation, high confidence) · 2 Pet 2:19 (quotation, high confidence) · Eph 6:5 (allusion, high confidence) · Eph 6:6 (allusion, high confidence) · Eph 6:7 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Cor 15:24 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Cor 15:28 (allusion, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine teaches that God made man to rule over beasts, not over other men, that slavery entered as a penalty of sin, and that slaves should serve faithfully until all human rule ends and God is all in all.
- Augustine's teaching on slavery (not natural, but a just penalty of sin within the present order) is translated as written. The etymology of servus from servare is traditional (compare Justinian, Institutes 1.3.3).
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR slip): cum bona uoluntate serio → cum bona uoluntate seruire.
Topics: Ethics
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 19.15 (CSEL 40:399–401; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/19-15/#p-19-15). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
19.16CSEL 40:401–402
CAPUT XVI. De aequo iure dominandi. Quocirca etiamsi habuerunt seruos iusti patres nostri, sic administrabant domesticam pacem, ut secundum haec temporalia bona filiorum sortem a seruorum condicione distinguerent; ad Deum autem colendum, in quo aeterna bona speranda sunt, omnibus domus suae membris pari dilectione consulerent. Quod naturalis ordo ita praescribit, ut nomen patrum familias hinc exortum sit et tam late uulgatum, ut etiam inique dominantes hoc se gaudeant appellari. Qui autem ueri patres familias sunt, omnibus in familia sua tamquam filiis ad colendum et promerendum Deum consulunt, desiderantes adque optantes uenire ad caelestem domum, ubi necessarium non sit officium imperandi mortalibus, quia necessarium non erit officium consulendi iam in illa inmortalitate felicibus; quo donec ueniatur, magis debent patres quod dominantur, quam serui tolerare quod seruiunt. Si quis autem in domo per inoboedientiam domesticae paci aduersatur, corripitur seu uerbo seu uerbere seu quolibet alio genere poenae iusto adque licito, quantum societas humana concedit, pro eius qui corripitur utilitate, ut paci unde dissiluerat coaptetur. Sicut enim non est beneficentiae adiuuando efficere, ut bonum quod maius est amittatur: ita non est innocentiae parcendo sinere. ut in malum grauius incidatur. Pertinet ergo ad innocentis officium, non solum nemini malum inferre, uerum etiam cohibere a peccato uel punire peccatum, ut aut ipse qui plectitur corrigatur experimento, aut alii terreantur exemplo. Quia igitur hominis domus initium siue particula debet esse ciuitatis, omne autem initium ad aliquem sui generis finem et omnis pars ad uniuersi, cuius pars est, integritatem refertur, satis apparet esse consequens, ut ad pacem ciuicam pax domestica referatur, id est, ut ordinata imperandi oboediendique concordia cohabitantium referatur ad ordinatam imperandi oboediendique concordiam ciuium. Ita fit, ut ex lege ciuitatis praecepta sumere patrem familias oporteat, quibus domum suam sic regat, ut sit paci adcommoda ciuitatis.
Chapter 16. On just rule.
Therefore, although our righteous fathers had slaves, they so administered domestic peace as to distinguish the lot of their children from the condition of the slaves in regard to these temporal goods; but in regard to worshipping God, in whom eternal goods are to be hoped for, they cared for all the members of their household with equal love. This the natural order so prescribes that the name of father of a family arose from it and became so widely current that even those who rule unjustly rejoice to be so called. But those who are true fathers of families care for all in their family as for children, that they may worship and deserve God, desiring and longing to come to the heavenly home, where the duty of commanding mortals will not be necessary, because the duty of caring for those already happy in that immortality will not be necessary; until that is reached, fathers ought to bear it more that they rule than slaves that they serve.
But if anyone in the house opposes domestic peace by disobedience, he is corrected by word or by blow or by any other kind of just and lawful punishment, as far as human society allows, for the benefit of the one corrected, so that he may be fitted again to the peace from which he had broken away. For as it is not beneficence to help so as to cause a greater good to be lost, so it is not innocence to spare so as to allow one to fall into a graver evil. It belongs, then, to the duty of the innocent man not only to do evil to no one, but also to restrain from sin or to punish sin, so that either the one punished may be corrected by experience or others deterred by example. Since, then, a man's house ought to be the beginning or a small part of the city, and every beginning is referred to some end of its own kind and every part to the integrity of the whole of which it is a part, it is plain enough that domestic peace is to be referred to civic peace, that is, that the ordered concord of those who live together in commanding and obeying is to be referred to the ordered concord of citizens in commanding and obeying. So it comes about that the father of a family ought to take from the law of the city the precepts by which he so rules his house that it may be fitted to the peace of the city.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine says that righteous fathers cared equally for children and slaves in regard to God, that household discipline serves the good of the one corrected, and that domestic peace is ordered to the peace of the city.
- Corporal correction within the household is mentioned as the law and custom of the time allowed; translated as written.
Topics: Ethics
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 19.16 (CSEL 40:401–402; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/19-15/#p-19-16). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
19.17CSEL 40:402–405
CAPUT XVII. Unde caelestis societas cum terrena ciuitate pacem habeat et unde discordiam. Sed domus hominum, qui non uiuunt ex fide, pacem terrenam ex huius temporalis uitae rebus commodisque sectatur: domus autem hominum ex fide uiuentium exspectat ea, quae in futurum aeterna promissa sunt, terrenisque rebus ac temporalibus tamquam peregrina utitur, non quibus capiatur et auertatur quo tendit in Deum, sed quibus sustentetur ad facilius toleranda minimeque augenda onera corporis corruptibilis, quod adgrauat animam. Idcirco rerum uitae huic mortali necessariarum utrisque hominibus et utrique domui communis est usus; sed finis utendi cuique suus proprius multumque diuersus. Ita etiam terrena ciuitas, quae non uiuit ex fide, terrenam pacem adpetit in eoque defigit imperandi oboediendique concordiam ciuium, ut sit eis de rebus ad mortalem uitam pertinentibus humanarum quaedam conpositio uoluntatum. Ciuitas autem caelestis uel potius pars eius, quae in hac mortalitate peregrinatur et uiuit ex fide, etiam ista pace necesse est utatur, donec ipsa, cui talis pax necessaria est, mortalitas transeat; ac per hoc, dum aput terrenam ciuitatem uelut captiuam uitam suae peregrinationis agit, iam promissione redemtionis et dono spiritali tamquam pignore accepto legibus terrenae ciuitatis, quibus haec administrantur, quae sustentandae mortali uitae adcommodata sunt, obtemperare non dubitat, ut, quoniam communis est ipsa mortalitas. seruetur in rebus ad eam pertinentibus inter ciuitatem utramque concordia. Verum quia terrena ciuitas habuit quosdam suos sapientes, quos diuina inprobat disciplina, qui uel suspicati uel decepti a daemonibus crederent multos deos conciliandos esse rebus humanis, ad quorum diuersa quodam modo officia diuersa subdita pertinerent, ad alium corpus, ad alium animum, inque ipso corpore ad alium caput, ad alium ceruicem et cetera singula ad singulos; similiter in animo ad alium ingenium, ad alium doctrinam, ad alium iram, ad alium concupiscentiam; inque ipsis rebus uitae adiacentibus ad alium pecus, ad alium triticum, ad alium uinum, ad alium oleum, ad alium siluas, ad alium nummos, ad alium nauigationem, ad alium bella adque uictorias, ad alium coniugia, ad alium partum ac fecunditatem et ad alios alia cetera: caelestis autem ciuitas cum unum Deum solum colendum nosset eique tantum modo seruiendum seruitute illa, quae Graece λατρεία dicitur et non nisi Deo debetur, fideli pietate censeret: factum est, ut religionis leges cum terrena ciuitate non posset habere communes proque his ab ea dissentire haberet necesse adque oneri esse diuersa sentientibus eorumque iras et odia et persecutionum inpetus sustinere, nisi cum animos aduersantium aliquando terrore suae multitudinis et semper diuino adiutorio propulsaret. Haec ergo caelestis ciuitas dum peregrinatur in terra, ex omnibus gentibus ciues euocat adque in omnibus linguis peregrinam colligit societatem, non curans quidquid in moribus legibus institutisque diuersum est, quibus pax terrena uel conquiritur uel tenetur. nihil eorum rescindens uel destruens, immo etiam seruans ac sequens, quod licet diuersum in diuersis nationibus, ad unum tamen eundemque finem terrenae pacis intenditur, si religionem, qua unus summus et uerus Deus colendus docetur. non inpedit. Utitur ergo etiam caelestis ciuitas in hac sua peregrinatione pace terrena et de rebus ad mortalem hominum naturam pertinentibus humanarum uoluntatum conpositionem. quantum salua pietate ac religione conceditur, tuetur adque adpetit eamque terrenam pacem refert ad caelestem pacem,: quae uere ita pax est, ut rationalis dumtaxat creaturae sola pax habenda adque dicenda sit, ordinatissima scilicet et concordissima societas fruendi Deo et inuicem in Deo; quo cum uentum erit, non erit uita mortalis, sed plane certeque uitalis nec corpus animale, quod, dum corrumpitur, adgrauat animam, sed spiritale sine ulla indigentia ex omni parte subditum uoluntati. Hanc pacem, dum peregrinatur in fide, habet adque ex hac fide iuste uiuit, cum ad illam pacem adipiscendam refert quidquid bonarum actionum gerit erga Deum et proximum, quoniam uita ciuitatis utique socialis est.
Chapter 17. From what source the heavenly society has peace with the earthly city, and from what source discord.
But the household of men who do not live by faith seeks earthly peace from the things and advantages of this temporal life; while the household of men who live by faith awaits the things promised as eternal in the future, and uses earthly and temporal things like a pilgrim, not so as to be captured by them and turned aside from where it is tending, towards God, but so as to be sustained by them in order more easily to bear, and not at all to increase, the burdens of the corruptible body, which weighs down the soul. Therefore the use of the things necessary for this mortal life is common to both kinds of men and both households; but the end of using them is proper to each and very different. So also the earthly city, which does not live by faith, seeks earthly peace, and fixes in it the concord of citizens in commanding and obeying, so that there may be among them a certain agreement of human wills about the things that pertain to mortal life. But the heavenly city, or rather the part of it which is a pilgrim in this mortality and lives by faith, must also use this peace, until this mortality itself, for which such peace is necessary, passes away; and therefore, while it leads the life of its pilgrimage as a captive, as it were, in the earthly city, having already received the promise of redemption and the spiritual gift as a pledge, it does not hesitate to obey the laws of the earthly city by which those things are administered which are suited to sustaining mortal life; so that, since mortality itself is common to both, concord may be preserved between both cities in the things that pertain to it.
But because the earthly city has had certain wise men of its own, whom the divine teaching rejects, who, either through their own conjecture or deceived by demons, believed that many gods were to be won over to human affairs, to whose different offices, in a way, different things were subject: to one the body, to another the mind; and in the body itself to one the head, to another the neck, and each of the other parts to each god; likewise in the mind to one natural ability, to another learning, to another anger, to another desire; and in the very things that belong to life, to one cattle, to another wheat, to another wine, to another oil, to another forests, to another money, to another navigation, to another wars and victories, to another marriages, to another childbirth and fertility, and to others other things; while the heavenly city knew that the one God alone was to be worshipped, and held with faithful piety that he alone was to be served with that service which in Greek is called latreia and is owed only to God: it came about that it could not have laws of religion in common with the earthly city, and because of these had to dissent from it and be a burden to those who thought differently, and to endure their anger and hatred and the assaults of persecution, except when at times it drove back the minds of its adversaries by the fear of its own numbers, and always by divine help.
This heavenly city, then, while it is a pilgrim on earth, calls out citizens from all nations and gathers a pilgrim society in all languages, not caring about whatever is different in the customs, laws, and institutions by which earthly peace is gained or kept, rescinding or destroying none of them, but rather preserving and following whatever, though different in different nations, is directed to one and the same end of earthly peace, provided it does not hinder the religion by which the one supreme and true God is taught to be worshipped. The heavenly city too, then, in this its pilgrimage uses earthly peace, and guards and seeks the agreement of human wills about the things that pertain to the mortal nature of men, as far as piety and religion allow, and refers that earthly peace to heavenly peace; which is truly peace, so that it alone should be held and called the peace of the rational creature, namely the most ordered and most harmonious fellowship of enjoying God and one another in God. When that is reached, life will not be mortal, but fully and certainly living; nor will the body be animal, which, while it is being corrupted, weighs down the soul, but spiritual, without any want, in every part subject to the will. This peace it has, while it is a pilgrim, in faith, and by this faith it lives justly, when it refers to the attainment of that peace whatever good actions it does towards God and neighbour; since the life of the city is certainly social.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Hab 2:4 (echo, medium confidence) · 2 Cor 1:22 (allusion, medium confidence) · 2 Cor 5:5 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Cor 15:44 (allusion, high confidence) · Rom 1:17 (echo, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine explains that the heavenly city, while a pilgrim on earth, shares the use of temporal goods and obeys the laws of the earthly city for the sake of peace, but must dissent from it in religion, since it worships the one God alone.
- “The corruptible body, which weighs down the soul” is Wis 9:15, outside the 66 books. The Greek λατρεία is mis-encoded in the digital text and corrected.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (Greek mis-encoded in the digital text (marked sic); OCR slip (marked sic)): COITUPtibilis → corruptibilis; Xocrpeia → λατρεία.
Extrabiblical texts: Wis 9:15 (Wisdom of Solomon [in RC, EO, ETH canons]; quotation)
Topics: Ethics, Persecution
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 19.17 (CSEL 40:402–405; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/19-15/#p-19-17). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
19.18CSEL 40:405
CAPUT XVIII. Quam diuersa sit Academiae nouae ambiguitas a constantia fidei Christianae., Quod autem adtinet ad illam differentiam, quam de Academicis nouis Varro adhibuit, quibus incerta sunt omnia, omnino ciuitas Dei talem dubitationem tamquam dementiam detestatur, habens de rebus, quas mente adque ratione conprehendit, etiamsi paruam propter corpus corruptibile, quod adgrauat animam (quoniam, sicut dicit apostolus, ex parte scimus), tamen certissimam scientiam, creditque sensibus in rei cuiusque euidentia, quibus per corpus animus utitur, quoniam miserabilius fallitur, qui numquam putat eis esse credendum: credit etiam scripturis sanctis et ueteribus et nouis, quas canonicas appellamus, unde fides ipsa concepta est, ex qua iustus uiuit; per quam sine dubitatione ambulamus, quamdiu peregrinamur a Domino; qua salua adque certa de quibusdam rebus, quas neque sensu neque ratione percepimus neque. nobis per scripturam canonicam claruerunt nec per testes, quibus non credere absurdum est, in nostram notitiam peruenerunt, sine iusta reprehensione dubitamus.
Chapter 18. How different the doubt of the New Academy is from the steadfastness of the Christian faith.
As regards that distinction which Varro applied from the New Academics, to whom all things are uncertain, the city of God utterly detests such doubt as madness, having about the things which it grasps with mind and reason a knowledge which, though small because of the corruptible body, which weighs down the soul (since, as the apostle says, “we know in part”), is yet most certain; and it believes the senses in the evidence of each thing, which the mind uses through the body, since he is more wretchedly deceived who thinks they are never to be believed. It believes also the holy Scriptures, both old and new, which we call canonical, from which faith itself was conceived, by which the righteous lives; through which we walk without doubting as long as we are pilgrims away from the Lord. While this faith is safe and sure, we may doubt without just reproach about certain things which we have perceived neither by sense nor by reason, and which have not been made clear to us through canonical Scripture, nor come to our knowledge through witnesses whom it is absurd not to believe.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
1 Cor 13:9 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 1:17 (allusion, high confidence) · Hab 2:4 (allusion, medium confidence) · 2 Cor 5:6 (allusion, high confidence) · 2 Cor 5:7 (allusion, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine rejects the universal doubt of the New Academy, affirming the certainty of reason, the senses, and the canonical Scriptures, while allowing reasonable doubt about matters none of these establishes.
- “The corruptible body, which weighs down the soul” is Wis 9:15.
Extrabiblical texts: Wis 9:15 (Wisdom of Solomon [in RC, EO, ETH canons]; quotation); Varro (Varro; allusion)
Topics: Scripture and canon
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 19.18 (CSEL 40:405; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/19-15/#p-19-18). (abbreviation not yet checked)
BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-19-18) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
19.19CSEL 40:405–407
CAPUT XVIIII. De habitu et moribus populi Christiani. Nihil sane ad istam pertinet ciuitatem quo habitu uel more uiuendi, si non est contra diuina praecepta, istam fidem, qua peruenitur ad Deum, quisque sectetur; unde ipsos quoque philosophos, quando Christiani fiunt. non habitum uel consuetudinem uictus, quae nihil inpedit religionem, sed falsa dogmata mutare conpellit. Unde illam quam Varro adhibuit ex Cynicis differentiam, si nihil turpiter adque intemperanter agat, omnino non curat. Ex tribus. uero illis uitae generibus. otioso, actuoso et ex utroque conposito, quamuis salua fide quisque possit in quolibet eorum uitam ducere et ad sempiterna praemia peruenire, interest tamen quid amore teneat ueritatis, quid officio caritatis inpendat. Nec sic esse quisque debet otiosus, ut in eodem otio utilitatem non cogitet proximi, nec sic actuosus, ut contemplationem non requirat Dei. In otio non iners uacatio delectare debet, sed aut inquisitio aut inuentio ueritatis, ut in ea quisque proficiat et quod inuenerit ne alteri inuideat. In actione uero non amandus est honor in hac uita siue potentia, quoniam omnia uana sub sole, sed opus ipsum, quod per eundem honorem uel potentiam fit, si recte adque utiliter fit, id est, ut ualeat ad eam salutem subditorum, quae secundum Deum est; unde iam superius disputauimus. Propter quod ait apostolus: Qui episcopatum desiderat, bonum opus desiderat. Exponere uoluit quid sit episcopatus, quia nomen est operis, non honoris. Graecum est enim adque inde ductum uocabulum, quod ille qui praeficitur eis quibus praeficitur superintendit, curam scilicet eorum gerens; σκοπός quippe intentio est; ergo ἐπισκοπεῖν, si uelimus, Latine superintendere possumus dicere, ut intellegat non se esse episcopum, qui praeesse dilexerit, non prodesse. Itaque ab studio cognoscendae ueritatis nemo prohibetur, quod ad laudabile pertinet otium; locus uero superior, sine quo regi populus non potest, etsi ita teneatur adque administretur ut decet, tamen indecenter adpetitur. Quam ob rem otium sanctum quaerit caritas ueritatis; negotium iustum suscipit necessitas caritatis. Quam sarcinam si nullus inponit, percipiendae adque intuendae uacandum est ueritati; si autem inponitur, suscipienda est propter caritatis necessitatem: sed nec sic omni modo ueritatis delectatio deserenda est, ne subtrahatur illa suauitas et obprimat ista necessitas.
Chapter 19. On the dress and customs of the Christian people.
It does not matter at all to this city in what dress or manner of living anyone follows the faith by which one comes to God, if it is not contrary to the divine precepts; hence it does not compel even the philosophers themselves, when they become Christians, to change their dress or habits of diet, which do not hinder religion at all, but their false doctrines. Hence it does not care at all about that distinction which Varro applied from the Cynics, provided nothing is done shamefully and intemperately. As to those three kinds of life, the leisured, the active, and that composed of both, though anyone, with faith kept safe, can lead his life in any of them and come to the everlasting rewards, yet it matters what one holds by love of truth and what one spends in the duty of love. No one ought to be so leisured as not to think in his leisure of his neighbour's benefit, nor so active as not to seek the contemplation of God. In leisure what should delight him is not idle vacancy, but the searching out or the finding of truth, so that each may advance in it and not grudge another what he has found. In action, however, what is to be loved is not honour or power in this life, since all things are vanity under the sun, but the work itself which is done through that honour or power, if it is done rightly and usefully, that is, so as to serve that salvation of those under one's authority which is according to God; as we have already discussed above. For this reason the apostle says: “He who desires the office of bishop desires a good work.” He wished to explain what the episcopate is, because it is the name of a work, not of an honour. For it is a Greek word, derived from the fact that he who is set over those over whom he is set oversees them, that is, takes care of them; for skopos is attention; so episkopein, if we wish, we can say in Latin superintendere, “to oversee,” so that he may understand that he is not a bishop who loves to preside rather than to profit.
And so no one is forbidden the pursuit of knowing the truth, which belongs to praiseworthy leisure; but the higher place, without which a people cannot be ruled, even if it is held and administered as is fitting, is unfittingly sought. Therefore the love of truth seeks holy leisure; the necessity of love takes up just business. If no one imposes this burden, one should be free for perceiving and contemplating truth; but if it is imposed, it must be taken up because of the necessity of love; but not even so is the delight of truth to be altogether abandoned, lest that sweetness be withdrawn and this necessity overwhelm.
Eccl 1:14 (allusion, high confidence) · Eccl 2:11 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Tim 3:1 (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine says that the Christian city is indifferent to dress and manner of life so long as they do not conflict with God's law, and that leisure should serve the search for truth and action the good of others, as the office of bishop is a work, not an honour.
- The Greek words σκοπός and ἐπισκοπεῖν are mis-encoded in the digital text and corrected.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (Greek mis-encoded in the digital text (marked sic); stray letter; word split by a hyphen and a stray mark): inpendat.fNec → inpendat. Nec; oxoso? → σκοπός; 67cioxojrslv → ἐπισκοπεῖν; ueri-. tatis → ueritatis.
Extrabiblical texts: Varro (Varro; allusion)
Topics: Church office, Ethics
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 19.19 (CSEL 40:405–407; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/19-15/#p-19-19). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
19.20CSEL 40:407–408
CAPUT XX. Quod ciues sanctorum in huius uitae tempore spe beati sint. Quam ob rem summum bonum ciuitatis Dei cum sit pax aeterna adque perfecta, non per quam mortales transeant nascendo adque moriendo, sed in qua inmortales maneant nihil aduersi omnino patiendo: quis est qui illam uitam uel beatissimam neget uel in eius comparatione istam, quae hic agitur, quantislibet animi et corporis externarumque rerum bonis plena sit, non miserrimam iudicet? Quam tamen quicumque sic habet, ut eius usum referat ad illius finem, quam diligit ardentissime ac fidelissime sperat, non absurde dici etiam nunc beatus potest, spe illa potius quam re ista. Res ista uero sine spe illa beatitudo falsa et magna miseria est; non enim ueris animi bonis utitur, quoniam non est uera sapientia, quae intentionem suam in his, quae prudenter discernit, gerit fortiter, cohibet temperanter iusteque distribuit, non in illum dirigit finem, ubi erit Deus omnia in omnibus, aeternitate certa et pace perfecta.
Chapter 20. That the fellow citizens of the saints are happy in hope in the time of this life.
Therefore, since the supreme good of the city of God is eternal and perfect peace, not that through which mortals pass by being born and dying, but that in which immortals remain, suffering nothing adverse at all, who is there who would deny that that life is most happy, or would not judge that this life which is lived here, however full it may be of the goods of mind and body and of external things, is in comparison with it most wretched? Yet whoever so holds it as to refer its use to the end of that life which he loves most ardently and hopes for most faithfully may not absurdly be called happy even now, by that hope rather than by this reality. But this reality without that hope is a false happiness and a great misery; for it does not use the true goods of the mind, since that is not true wisdom which, in the things which it prudently discerns, bravely does, temperately restrains, and justly distributes, does not direct its intention to that end where God will be all in all, in certain eternity and perfect peace.
1 Cor 15:28 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 8:24 (echo, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine says that the citizens of the heavenly city may be called happy now only in hope, since all present goods without that hope are false happiness.
Topics: Eschatology
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 19.20 (CSEL 40:407–408; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/19-15/#p-19-20). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
19.21CSEL 40:408–410
CAPUT XXI. An secundum definitiones Scipionis, quae in dialogo Ciceronis sunt, umquam fuerit Romana res publica. Quapropter nunc est locus, ut quam potero breuiter ac dilucide expediam, quod in secundo huius operis libro me demonstraturum esse promisi, secundum definitiones, quibus aput Ciceronem utitur Scipio in libris de re publica, numquam rem publicam fuisse Romanam. Breuiter enim rem publicam definit esse rem populi. Quae definitio si uera est, numquam fuit Romana res publica, quia numquam fuit res populi, quam definitionem uoluit esse rei publicae. Populum enim esse definiuit coetum multitudinis iuris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatum. Quid autem dicat iuris consensum, disputando explicat, per hoc ostendens geri sine iustitia non posse rem publicam; ubi ergo iustitia uera non est, nec ius potest esse. Quod enim iure fit, profecto iuste fit; quod autem fit iniuste, nec iure fieri potest Non enim iura dicenda sunt uel putanda iniqua hominum constituta, cum illud etiam ipsi ius esse dicant, quod de iustitiae fonte manauerit, falsumque esse, quod a quibusdam non recte sentientibus dici solet, id esse ius, quod ei, qui plus potest. utile est. Quocirca ubi non est uera iustitia, iuris consensu sociatus coetus hominum non potest esse et ideo nec populus iuxta illam Scipionis uel Ciceronis definitionem; et si non populus, nec res populi. sed qualiscumque multitudinis, quae populi nomine digna non est. Ac per hoc, si res publica res est populi et populus non est, qui consensu non sociatus est iuris, non est autem ius, ubi nulla iustitia est: procul dubio colligitur, ubi iustitia non est, non esse rem publicam. Iustitia porro ea uirtus est, quae sua cuique distribuit. Quae igitur iustitia est hominis, quae ipsum hominem Deo uero tollit et inmundis daemonibus subdit? Hocine est sua cuique distribuere? An qui fundum aufert eius, a quo emtus est, et tradit ei, qui nihil habet in eo iuris, iniustus est; et qui se ipsum aufert dominanti Deo, a quo factus est, et malignis seruit spiritibus, iustus est? Disputatur certe acerrime adque fortissime in eisdem ipsis de re publica libris aduersus iniustitiam pro iustitia. Et quoniam, cum prius ageretur pro iniustitiae partibus contra iustitiam et diceretur nisi per iniustitiam rem publicam stare augerique non posse, hoc ueluti ualidissimum positum erat, iniustum esse, ut homines hominibus dominantibus seruiant; quam tamen iniustitiam nisi sequatur imperiosa ciuitas, cuius est magna res publica, non eam posse prouinciis imperare: responsum est a parte iustitiae ideo iustum esse, quod talibus hominibus sit utilis seruitus, et pro utilitate eorum fieri, cum recte fit, id est cum inprobis aufertur iniuriarum licentia, et domiti melius se habebunt, quia indomiti deterius se habuerunt; subditumque est, ut ista ratio firmaretur, ueluti a natura sumtum nobile exemplum adque dictum est: Quur igitur Deus homini, animus imperat corpori, ratio libidini ceterisque uitiosis animi partibus? Plane hoc exemplo satis edoctum est quibusdam esse utilem seruitutem, et Deo quidem ut seruiatur utile esse omnibus. Seruiens autem Deo animus recte imperat corpori, inque ipso animo ratio Deo Domino subdita recte imperat libidini uitiisque ceteris. Quapropter ubi homo Deo non seruit, quid in eo putandum est esse iustitiae? quando quidem Deo non seruiens nullo modo potest iuste animus corpori aut humana ratio uitiis imperare. Et si in homine tali non est ulla iustitia. procul dubio nec in hominum coetu, qui ex hominibus talibus constat. Non est hic ergo iuris ille consensus, qui hominum multitudinem populum facit, cuius res dicitur esse res publica. Nam de utilitate quid dicam, cuius etiam communione sociatus coetus hominum, sicut sese habet ista definitio, populus nuncupatur? Quamuis enim, si diligenter adtendas, nec utilitas sit ulla uiuentium, qui uiuunt inpie, sicut uiuit omnis, qui non seruit Deo seruitque daemonibus, tanto magis inpiis, quanto magis sibi, cum sint inmundissimi spiritus, tamquam dis sacrificari uolunt: tamen quod de iuris consensu diximus satis esse arbitror, unde appareat per hanc definitionem non esse populum, cuius res publica esse dicatur, in quo iustitia non est. Si enim dicunt non spiritibus inmundis, sed dis bonis adque sanctis in sua re publica seruisse Romanos: numquid eadem totiens repetenda sunt, quae iam satis, immo ultra quam satis est diximus? Quis enim ad hunc locum per superiores huius operis libros peruenit, qui dubitare adhuc possit malis et inpuris daemonibus seruisse Romanos, nisi uel nimium stolidus uel inpudentissime contentiosus? Sed ut taceam quales sint, quos sacrificiis colebant: in lege ueri Dei scriptum est: Sacrificans dis eradicabitur nisi Domino tantum. Nec bonis igitur nec malis dis sacrificari uoluit, qui hoc cum tanta comminatione praecepit.
Chapter 21. Whether, according to the definitions of Scipio in Cicero's dialogue, there was ever a Roman commonwealth.
Therefore this is now the place to set out, as briefly and clearly as I can, what I promised in the second book of this work to show: that, according to the definitions which Scipio uses in Cicero's books On the Commonwealth, there never was a Roman commonwealth. For he briefly defines a commonwealth as “the affair of a people.” If this definition is true, there never was a Roman commonwealth, because it was never the affair of a people, which he wished to be the definition of a commonwealth. For he defined a people as “an assembly of a multitude associated by agreement about right and by community of interest.” What he means by agreement about right he explains in the discussion, showing by it that a commonwealth cannot be carried on without justice; where, then, there is no true justice, neither can there be right. For what is done by right is surely done justly; but what is done unjustly cannot be done by right. For the unjust institutions of men are not to be called or thought rights, since they themselves say that that is right which has flowed from the fountain of justice, and that what some who think wrongly are wont to say, that that is right which is useful to him who is more powerful, is false. Therefore, where there is no true justice, there cannot be an assembly of men associated by agreement about right, and therefore not a people according to that definition of Scipio or Cicero; and if not a people, then not the affair of a people, but of some sort of multitude which is not worthy of the name of a people. And so, if a commonwealth is the affair of a people, and there is no people which is not associated by agreement about right, and there is no right where there is no justice, it is without doubt concluded that where there is no justice there is no commonwealth.
Justice, moreover, is that virtue which gives to each his own. What kind of justice of man is it, then, which takes man himself away from the true God and subjects him to unclean demons? Is this to give to each his own? Or is he unjust who takes away a farm from the man who bought it and hands it over to one who has no right to it, and is he just who takes himself away from the ruling God by whom he was made and serves malignant spirits? Certainly in those same books On the Commonwealth there is a very keen and very strong argument for justice against injustice. And since, when earlier the case was argued on the side of injustice against justice, and it was said that a commonwealth could not stand and grow except through injustice, this had been set down as the strongest point, that it is unjust that men should serve men who rule them, which injustice nevertheless an imperial city, whose commonwealth is great, must follow, or else it cannot rule provinces: it was answered on the side of justice that it is just for this reason, that slavery is useful for such men, and is done for their benefit when it is done rightly, that is, when licence for wrongdoing is taken away from the wicked, and they will be better off when subdued because they were worse off when not subdued; and to confirm this reasoning a noble example was added, as though taken from nature, and it was said: “Why, then, does God rule man, the mind the body, reason lust and the other vicious parts of the mind?” Plainly by this example it is taught clearly enough that slavery is useful for some, and that to serve God is useful for all. And the mind that serves God rightly rules the body, and in the mind itself reason, subject to God the Lord, rightly rules lust and the other vices. Therefore, where man does not serve God, what justice is to be thought to be in him? Since the mind that does not serve God can in no way justly rule the body, nor human reason the vices. And if there is no justice in such a man, without doubt neither is there in an assembly of men which consists of such men. Here, then, there is not that agreement about right which makes a multitude of men a people, whose affair is said to be a commonwealth.
For what shall I say of interest, by community of which too an assembly of men is called a people, as that definition has it? For though, if you attend carefully, there is no interest at all for those who live ungodly, as everyone lives who does not serve God but serves demons, who are the more ungodly the more they wish, though they are most unclean spirits, that sacrifice should be offered to them as to gods: yet what we have said of agreement about right is, I think, enough to make it plain that by this definition there is no people, whose affair can be said to be a commonwealth, in which there is no justice. For if they say that the Romans in their commonwealth served not unclean spirits but good and holy gods, must the same things be repeated so often which we have already said enough, indeed more than enough? For who has come through the earlier books of this work to this place who can still doubt that the Romans served evil and impure demons, unless he is either too stupid or most shamelessly contentious? But, to say nothing of what sort those were whom they worshipped with sacrifices, in the law of the true God it is written: “He who sacrifices to gods shall be rooted out, except to the Lord only.” So he who gave this command with so great a threat wished sacrifice to be offered neither to good nor to bad gods.
Exod 22:20 (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that by Scipio's definition in Cicero's Republic, a commonwealth requires true justice, and since justice gives each his due and the Romans withheld worship from the true God, Rome was never a true commonwealth.
- The definitions are Cicero, Republic 1.25.39; the debate on justice and the “noble example” are from Republic 3, known largely through this chapter. Exod 22:20 is quoted in an LXX-based form.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR slip): scriptum eat → scriptum est.
Extrabiblical texts: Cicero, Rep. 1.25.39 (Cicero; quotation); Cicero, Rep. 3 (Cicero; quotation)
Topics: Ethics
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 19.21 (CSEL 40:408–410; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/19-15/#p-19-21). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
19.22CSEL 40:410–411
CAPUT XXII. An uerus sit Deus, cui Christiani seruiunt, cui soli debeat sacrificari. Sed responderi potest: Quis iste Deus est aut unde dignus probatur, cui deberent obtemperare Romani, ut nullum deorum praeter ipsum colerent sacrificiis? Magnae caecitatis est, adhuc quaerere, quis iste sit Deus. Ipse est Deus, cuius prophetae praedixerunt ista quae cernimus. Ipse est Deus, a quo responsum accepit Abraham: In semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes. Quod in Christo fieri, qui secundum carnem de illo semine exortus est, idem ipsi qui remanserunt huius nominis inimici, uelint nolintue, cognoscunt. Ipse est Deus, cuius diuinus Spiritus per eos locutus est, quorum praedicta adque conpleta per ecclesiam, quam uidemus toto orbe diffusam, in libris superioribus posui. Ipse est Deus, quem Varro doctissimus Romanorum Iouem putat, quamuis nesciens quid loquatur; quod tamen ideo commemorandum putaui, quoniam uir tantae scientiae nec nullum istum Deum potuit existimare nec uilem. Hunc enim eum esse credidit, quem summum putauit deum. Postremo ipse est Deus, quem doctissimus philosophorum, quamuis Christianorum acerrimus inimicus, etiam per eorum oracula, quos deos putat, deum magnum Porphyrius confitetur.
Chapter 22. Whether the God whom the Christians serve is the true God, to whom alone sacrifice ought to be offered.
But it may be answered: “Who is this God, or from what is he proved worthy, that the Romans ought to have obeyed him so as to worship none of the gods with sacrifices except him?” It is great blindness still to ask who this God is. He is the God whose prophets foretold these things which we see. He is the God from whom Abraham received the answer: “In your seed all nations shall be blessed.” That this is done in Christ, who according to the flesh sprang from that seed, even those very enemies of this name who have remained acknowledge, whether they will or not. He is the God whose divine Spirit spoke through those whose predictions, fulfilled through the church which we see spread over the whole world, I have set down in the preceding books. He is the God whom Varro, the most learned of the Romans, thinks to be Jupiter, though not knowing what he says; which I have thought worth mentioning because a man of such great knowledge could not think this God either nothing or worthless. For he believed him to be the one whom he thought the supreme god. Finally, he is the God whom Porphyry, the most learned of the philosophers, though the fiercest enemy of the Christians, confesses to be a great God, even through the oracles of those whom he thinks gods.
Gen 22:18 (quotation, high confidence) · Gen 12:3 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine identifies the God of the Christians as the God of the prophets and of Abraham, whom even Varro took for the supreme god and Porphyry's oracles called great.
- On Varro's identification of the God of the Jews with Jupiter see Augustine, Harmony of the Gospels 1.22.30.
Extrabiblical texts: Varro (Varro; allusion); Porphyry, Porphyry, Phil. orac. (Porphyry, Philosophy from Oracles (fragments); allusion)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 19.22 (CSEL 40:410–411; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/19-15/#p-19-22). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).