Against Faustus the Manichaean 22.22–22.34

Latin text: Zycha, CSEL 25.1 (Latin text: Joseph Zycha, Contra Faustum Manichaeum (CSEL 25.1, 1891), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: NPNF 1/4: Reply to Faustus the Manichaean (Philip Schaff, ed., 1887).

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Chapter 22

22.22CSEL 25.1:611–618

Sed facite aliquem prorsus carnaliter ita desipientem, ut deum colat, non qualem colimus, qui unus et uerus est, sed qualem nos colere dicitis, qui uestris uel calumniis uel suspicionibus fictus est, nonne etiam iste meliorem colit quam uos? quaeso enim, aduertite et qualescumque oculos aperite; neque enim opus est magno acumine ingenii, ut hoc, quod dicam, perspici possit. omnes prudentes inprudentesque appello: audite, aduertite, iudicate. quanto enim melius deus uester ex aeternitate uersatus esset in tenebris quam coaeternam sibi et cognatam lucem mersisset in tenebras! quanto melius exortam sibi nouam lucem ad fugandas tenebras miratus laudaret quam inruentes sibi ueteres tenebras nisi sua luce contenebrata euitare non posset! infelix, si perturbatus, crudelis, si securus hoc fecit. melius enim certe a se factam lucem uideret bonam quam a se genitam faceret malam: quae sic ab eo reppulit tenebras inimicas, ut ei fieret inimica. hoc enim culpae inputabitur damnandis in globo illis reliquiis, quod errare se a priore lucida sua natura passae sunt et inimicae lumini sancto extiterunt: quod antequam eis accideret, ex aeternitate, si nesciebant hoc sibi futurum, aeternas ignorantiae tenebras, si autem sciebant, aeternas timoris tenebras patiebantur. ecce uere pars et substantia dei uestri in suis tenebris ex aeternitate uersata est nec postea lucem nouam mirata est, sed alias tenebras alienas, quas semper timebat, incurrit. porro ipse deus, cuius illa pars erat, si eidem parti suae futurum tantum malum timebat, etiam ipsum occupauerant timoris tenebrae; si autem hoc futurum nesciebat, ignorantiae tenebris. caecabatur; si autem hoc parti suae futurum sciebat et non timebat, peiores sunt tenebrae tantae crudelitatis quam uel ignorantiae uel timoris; neque enim habebat deus uester, quod in ipsa carne, quam non a deo, sed ab hyle factam dementissime creditis, sic laudat apostolus: si patitur unum membrum, conpatiuntur omnia membra. sed non accusamus: praesciebat, timebat, dolebat, sed quid faceret non habebat. in his ergo suae miseriae tenebris ex aeternitate uersatus est nec postea nouam lucem, quae ab illo tenebras fugaret, miratus est, sed alias tenebras, quas semper timuit, magno malo suae lucis expertus est. quanto melius, non dicam, praeceptum daret sicut deus, sed praeceptum acciperet sicut homo, quod bono suo custodiret, malo suo contemneret, in utroque tamen motu animi libera uoluntate uteretur potius quam contra uoluntatem ad contenebrandam lucem suam ineuitabili necessitate premeretur! nam illud multo utique melius esset, ut praeceptum daret humanae naturae, quam peccaturam esse nesciret, quam naturam suam diuinam necessitate pressus peccare conpelleret. euigilate et dicite nobis, quomodo uincit tenebras, quem uincit necessitas. haec iam erat apud illum hostis maior, a qua uictus et iussus cum minore pugnauit. quanto melius nesciret, quo ab eius facie fugisset Adam, quam ipse primo a facie durae ac dirae necessitatis et postea a facie diuersae atque aduersae gentis quo fugeret non haberet! quanto melius naturae humanae inuideret uitam beatam quam naturam diuinam daret in miseriam, desideraret sanguinem et adipem sacrificiorum potius, quam ipse totiens etiam idolis mactaretur, mixtus adipi et sanguini omnium uictimarum, perturbaretur zelo, si illa sacrificia et diis aliis offerrentur, potius quam ipse ligatus non solum in omnibus frugibus, uerum etiam in omnibus carnibus per omnes aras omnibus daemonibus offerretur! quanto melius uel humana indignatione conmotus ac turbidus peccantibus et suis et alienis irasceretur, quam ipse non solum in omnibus irascentibus, sed etiam in omnibus timentibus turbaretur, in peccantibus omnibus coinquinaretur, in damnatis omnibus puniretur ubique ligatus ex illa sua parte, quam ad tale dedecus innocentem ipse damnauit, ut per illam uinceret, quod timebat, etiam ipse sub tam exitiosa necessitate damnatus, ut ei damnata pars eius posset ignoscere, si cum iam miser sit. uel humilis esset! nunc autem quis ferat reprehendi a uobis deum irascentem suis alienisque peccantibus, cum deus, quem fingitis, membra sua, quae coactus coegit ire in fauces peccati, postea damnet in globo? quod quidem cum faciet, ut dicitis, iram non habebit. sed miror, si frontem habebit inferendo in eos quasi uindictam, a quibus petere deberet ueniam et dicere: obsecro, ignoscite, membra mea estis; quando ego in uos istuc nisi uictus necessitate facere possum? scitis et uos, quod tunc, quando uos huc misi, horrendus hostis eruperat; quod autem nunc uos hic inligo, timeo, ne rursus erumpat. iam certe etiam illud fatemini multo melius esse hominum milia ob nullam uel leuem culpam temporali morte interficere quam membra sua, id est membra dei. substantiam dei et plane deum et in peccati uoraginem tradere et poenae sempiternae conligatione damnare. si enim esset illis membris peccandi uel non peccandi liberum arbitrium - quamquam de substantia dei, quae uere substantia dei est ac per hoc omnino incommutabilis, quemadmodum hoc dicatur, non inuenitur; deus enim omnino peccare non potest, sicut negare se ipsum non potest; homo autem potest peccare et deum negare, sed si nolit, non facit — si ergo istis membris dei uestri uelut animae humanae ac rationali esset, ut dixi, peccandi uel non peccandi liberum uoluntatis arbitrium, recte fortasse pro grauibus criminibus illo globi subplicio plecterentur. nunc autem libertatem uoluntatis illas particulas habuisse dicere non potestis, quam totus deus ipse non habuit, quia si eas non mitteret in peccatum, totus a tenebrarum gente peruasus peccare cogeretur: quod si cogi non posset, peccauit, cum eas eo misit, ubi cogi possent. et ideo magis ipse illo uelut parricidali culleo dignus, qui hoc fecit libero imperio, quam illae, quae obtemperando illuc ierunt, ubi recte uiuendi arbitrium liberum perdiderunt. si autem ad peccandum et ipse inuasus atque possessus cogi posset, nisi per suae partis primo flagitium, deinde subplicium sibi prouidisset nullaque fuit in deo uestro nec in eius partibus libera uoluntas, non se fingat iudicem, sed agnoscat reum, nec quia passus est, quod nolebat, sed quia se simulat iusta retribuere damnando eos, quos nouit malum passos esse potius quam fecisse: quod ad hoc tantum simulat, ne uictus inueniatur, quasi aliquid prosit alicui misero, si felix aut fortunatus uocetur. nempe iam et hoc melius erat, ut deus uester sine ullo aequitatis examine hominibus nec iustis nec peccatoribus parceret — quod in reprehensione dei nostri Faustus nihil intellegens ultimum posuit — quam in membra sua sic saeuiret, ut parum sit, quod ea inexpiabiliter uenenanda hostibus obtulit, nisi etiam falso crimine iniquitatis accuset. quae ideo merito dicit pendere tam inmane ac sine fine subplicium, quod errare se a priore sua lucida natura passa sunt et inimica lumini sancto extiterunt. unde, nisi quia, ut ipse dicit, ita erant inuiscerata primae auiditati principum tenebrarum, ut originem suam recolere seque ab hostili natura discernere non ualerent? ergo animae huiusmodi nihil mali ipsae fecerunt, sed innocentes tantum malum perpessae sunt. quo faciente nisi illo primitus, qui, ut a se in tantum malum procederent, imperauit? peiorem ergo expertae sunt patrem quam hostem. pater enim eas ad tantum malum misit; hostis autem tamquam bonum adpetiuit cupiens perfrui, non nocere: ille sciens nocuit, ille nesciens. sed deus infirmus atque inops aliter sibi consulere non ualebat, prius aduersus hostem inprobum et post aduersus inclusum. saltem ergo non accuset eas, quarum oboedientia tutus est, quarum morte securus est. si enim coactus est proeliari, numquid et calumniari? nam quando se errare a priore sua lucida natura passae sunt et inimicae lumini sancto extiterunt, ad hoc utique ab hoste coactae sunt, cui si resistere non ualuerunt, innocentes damnantur; si autem ualuerunt nec uoluerunt, quid adhuc tam fabulose inducitis naturam mali, cum a propria uoluntate sit origo peccati? hoc enim certe sua culpa, non ui aliena fecerunt, quod, cum possent malo resistere, noluerunt. quod enim si facerent, bene facerent, si autem non facerent, grauiter inmaniterque peccarent, si potuerunt et non fecerunt. utique noluerunt. si ergo noluerunt, uoluntatis crimen est, non necessitatis. a uoluntate igitur initium peccati; unde autem initium peccati, inde initium mali uel faciendi contra iustum praeceptum uel patiendi secundum iustum iudicium. proinde nulla causa est, cur quaerentes, unde sit malum, inrueritis in huius erroris tam magnum malum, ut naturam tot bonis abundantem naturam mali diceretis et in natura summi boni ante commixtionem naturae mali horrendum necessitatis malum poneretis. et huius enim erroris uestri causa superbia est, quam non habebitis, si nolitis. sed uos dum uultis illud, s quo inruistis, quoquo modo defendere, aufertis originem peccati a uoluntatis arbitrio et ponitis in uana et falsa fabula naturam mali. ac per hoc restat, ut dicatis etiam illas animas in horribili globo aeterna conligatione damnandas non uoluntate, sed necessitate inimicas lumini sancto extitisse talemque deum uestrum iudicem constituatis, apud quem nihil prodesse possitis eis, quarum causam demonstrata necessitate defenditis, et talem regem, a quo fratribus uestris, filiis et membris illius, quorum inimicitias aduersus uos et ipsum non uoluntate, sed necessitate extitisse perhibetis, nec indulgentiam inpetrare ualeatis. o inmanissimam crudelitatem! nisi quod conuertitis uos ad ipsius defensionem, ut eum quoque ista quod necessitate faciat excusetis. si ergo possetis inuenire alterum iudicem, qui liber uinculo necessitatis moderator existeret aequitatis, istum certe in illo globo non forinsecus figeret, sed cum ipso terribili hoste intus includeret. cur enim non iuste prior sit ad poenam damnationis, qui prior est ad crimen necessitatis? quanto ergo melius eligeretis deum in conparatione peioris. non qualem colimus, sed qualem nos colere uel fingitis uel putatis, qui sine ullo aequitatis examine, sine ulla distinctione damnationis et disciplinae non parceret in seruis suis nec iusto nec peccatori, potius quam non parceret membris suis uel innocentibus, si necessitas crimen non est, uel illi obtemperando factis nocentibus, si et necessitas crimen est, ut ab illo in aeternum damnarentur, cum quo uel simul absolui, si post uictoriam respiraret libertas, uel simul damnari debuerunt, si et post uictoriam tantum saltem ualeret necessitas, ut aliquid ualeret et aequitas. sicut autem deum, non illum uerum et summum, quem colimus, sed alium nescio quem falsum confingitis, quem nos colere uel arbitramini uel calumniamini, qui tamen etiam ipse multo est melior deo uestro — ambo enim non sunt et a uobis ambo finguntur — sed meliorem fingitis eum, quem tamquam nostrum accusatis, quam eum, quem uestrum adoratis.

But suppose someone so utterly fleshly and foolish that he worships God not as we worship him, who is one and true, but as you say we worship him, a god fashioned by your slanders or suspicions: does not even such a man worship a better god than you do? I beg you, pay attention and open your eyes, such as they are; for no great sharpness of mind is needed to see what I am about to say. I appeal to all, wise and unwise: hear, attend, judge. How much better would it have been for your god to have dwelt in darkness from eternity than to have plunged into darkness the light co-eternal and akin to himself! How much better to praise with wonder a new light that arose for him to put darkness to flight than to be unable to escape the old darkness rushing upon him except by darkening his own light! Unhappy, if he did it in distress; cruel, if he did it untroubled. Certainly it would have been better for him to see as good a light made by himself than to make evil a light begotten of himself—a light that repelled the hostile darkness from him in such a way that it became hostile to him. For this will be imputed as guilt to those remnants condemned in the globe: that they allowed themselves to stray from their former luminous nature and became enemies of the holy light. Before this happened to them, they suffered from eternity, if they did not know that this was to happen to them, the eternal darkness of ignorance; but if they knew, the eternal darkness of fear. See, truly a part and substance of your god dwelt from eternity in its own darkness, and did not afterwards marvel at a new light, but ran into another, alien darkness which it always feared. Moreover, God himself, of whom that was a part, if he feared that so great an evil would come upon that part of himself, the darkness of fear had seized him too; but if he did not know that it would come, he was blinded by the darkness of ignorance; and if he knew it would come upon his part and did not fear, worse is the darkness of such cruelty than that either of ignorance or of fear. For your god did not have what the apostle praises even in the flesh—which you most insanely believe was made not by God but by hyle: “If one member suffers, all the members suffer with it.” But we do not accuse him of that: he foreknew, he feared, he grieved, but he had no way to act. In this darkness of his misery, then, he dwelt from eternity, and did not afterwards marvel at a new light which drove darkness from him, but, to the great harm of his light, experienced another darkness which he had always feared. How much better would it have been, I will not say to give a precept as God does, but to receive a precept as a man does, to be kept to his good or despised to his harm, yet using free will in either movement of the mind, rather than to be pressed against his will by unavoidable necessity to darken his own light! For it would certainly have been much better to give a precept to human nature without knowing that it would sin than, pressed by necessity, to compel his own divine nature to sin. Wake up and tell us how he conquers darkness whom necessity conquers. Necessity was already a greater enemy at home with him, conquered and commanded by which he fought with the lesser. How much better not to know where Adam had fled from his face than himself to have nowhere to flee, first from the face of hard and dire necessity, and then from the face of the opposite and hostile race! How much better to envy human nature a blessed life than to give over the divine nature to misery; to desire the blood and fat of sacrifices rather than himself to be slaughtered so often even to idols, mixed with the fat and blood of all victims; to be troubled with jealousy if those sacrifices were offered to other gods also, rather than himself, bound not only in all crops but also in all flesh, to be offered on every altar to every demon! How much better, moved and troubled even by human indignation, to be angry with sinners both his own and strangers, than himself to be troubled not only in all who are angry but also in all who fear, to be defiled in all sinners, to be punished in all the condemned, bound everywhere in that part of himself which, innocent, he himself condemned to such disgrace, so that through it he might conquer what he feared—himself also condemned under so ruinous a necessity, that his condemned part might forgive him, if, now that he is wretched, he were at least humble! But as it is, who can bear your finding fault with God for being angry with sinners, his own and strangers, when the god you invent will afterwards condemn in the globe his own members, whom, compelled himself, he compelled to go into the jaws of sin? When he does this, as you say, he will have no anger. But I wonder whether he will have the face to inflict a kind of punishment on those from whom he ought to beg pardon and say: “I beseech you, forgive me; you are my members. When could I do this to you, except conquered by necessity? You know too that at the time when I sent you here, a dreadful enemy had broken out; and now I bind you here because I fear he may break out again.” Surely you now confess this too, that it is much better to kill thousands of men by temporal death for no fault or a slight one than to hand over his own members—that is, the members of God, the substance of God, and plainly God—into the whirlpool of sin, and to condemn them to be bound in everlasting punishment. For if those members had free choice of sinning or not sinning—although how this could be said of the substance of God, which truly is the substance of God and therefore wholly unchangeable, is not to be found; for God cannot sin at all, just as he cannot deny himself; but man can sin and deny God, though if he does not will it, he does not do it—if, then, those members of your god had, as I said, like a human and rational soul, free choice of will to sin or not to sin, perhaps they would rightly be struck with the punishment of that globe for grave crimes. But as it is, you cannot say that those particles had freedom of will, which God himself, the whole of him, did not have; for if he did not send them into sin, he would, the whole of him, be overrun by the race of darkness and compelled to sin. But if he could not be compelled, he sinned when he sent them where they could be compelled; and so he himself is more deserving of that sack, as it were, of the parricide, he who did this by free command, than they who by obeying went where they lost the free choice of living rightly. But if he himself, invaded and possessed, could have been compelled to sin had he not provided for himself first by the disgrace and then by the punishment of his part, and there was no free will in your god nor in his parts, let him not pretend to be a judge, but acknowledge himself guilty—not because he suffered what he did not want, but because he pretends to render justice in condemning those whom he knows to have suffered evil rather than done it; which he pretends only so that he may not be found conquered, as though it profited any wretch to be called happy or fortunate. Surely even this would have been better: that your god, without any weighing of equity, should spare men neither righteous nor sinners—which Faustus, understanding nothing, put last in his criticism of our God—than that he should so rage against his own members that it is too little that he offered them to the enemies to be poisoned beyond expiation, unless he also accuses them of a false charge of iniquity. For he says that they deservedly pay so monstrous and endless a punishment because they allowed themselves to stray from their former luminous nature and became enemies of the holy light. Why, except because, as he himself says, they were so absorbed into the first greed of the princes of darkness that they could not recall their origin and distinguish themselves from the hostile nature? Such souls, then, did no evil themselves, but innocently suffered so great an evil. By whose doing, if not first of all his, who commanded them to go forth from him into so great an evil? They found, then, a father worse than the enemy. For the father sent them into so great an evil, while the enemy desired them as a good, wanting to enjoy them, not to harm them: the one harmed knowingly, the other unknowingly. But a weak and helpless god could not provide for himself otherwise, first against a wicked enemy and afterwards against the enemy shut in. Let him at least not accuse those by whose obedience he is safe, by whose death he is secure. If he was compelled to fight, was he compelled also to slander? For when they allowed themselves to stray from their former luminous nature and became enemies of the holy light, they were certainly compelled to this by the enemy; and if they could not resist him, they are condemned innocent; but if they could and would not, why do you still so fabulously bring in a nature of evil, when the origin of sin is from one's own will? For this they certainly did by their own fault, not by another's force, that when they could resist evil, they would not. For if they did so, they would do well; but if they did not, they would sin gravely and monstrously; if they could and did not, then certainly they would not. If, then, they would not, the crime is of the will, not of necessity. From the will, therefore, is the beginning of sin; and where the beginning of sin is, there is the beginning of evil, whether of doing contrary to a just precept or of suffering according to a just judgment. There is no reason, then, why, in asking where evil comes from, you should rush into the great evil of this error, of calling a nature abounding in so many goods a nature of evil, and placing in the nature of the highest good, before its mixture with the nature of evil, the dreadful evil of necessity. For the cause of this error of yours too is pride, which you will not have if you do not will it. But while you want to defend in any way you can that into which you have rushed, you take the origin of sin away from the choice of the will and place a nature of evil in an empty and false fable. And so it remains for you to say that those souls also, to be condemned in the horrible globe in eternal bondage, became enemies of the holy light not by will but by necessity; and to make your god such a judge that before him you can do nothing to help those whose cause you defend by proving necessity, and such a king that from him you cannot obtain pardon even for your brothers, his sons and members, whose enmity against you and him you claim arose not by will but by necessity. O most monstrous cruelty! Except that you turn to defend him too, excusing him on the ground that he also does this by necessity. If, then, you could find another judge, who, free from the chain of necessity, stood as governor of equity, he would surely not fix this god outside in that globe, but would shut him inside with the terrible enemy himself. For why should he not justly be first in the penalty of condemnation who is first in the crime of necessity? How much better, then, would you do to choose, in comparison with a worse one, a god—not such as we worship, but such as you either invent or suppose that we worship—who, without any weighing of equity, without any distinction between condemnation and discipline, would spare in his servants neither the righteous nor the sinner, rather than one who did not spare his own members, whether innocent, if necessity is not a crime, or made guilty by obeying him, if necessity too is a crime, so that they are condemned for ever by him with whom they ought either to be acquitted together, if freedom revived after the victory, or condemned together, if even after the victory necessity still had so much power that equity could have some power too. And just as you invent a god—not that true and highest God whom we worship, but some other false one whom you either suppose or slanderously claim that we worship—who nevertheless is himself much better than your god (for neither exists, and both are invented by you), so you invent the one you accuse as ours better than the one you adore as yours.

1 Cor 12:26 (quotation, high confidence) · 2 Tim 2:13 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 3:8 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues at length that even the god Faustus caricatures as the Catholics' is better than the Manichaean god, who sent his own members into darkness under necessity and then condemns them.

  • The Manichaean myth: the particles of light sent against the darkness, the veil, the final “globe” (globus, Greek βῶλος) in which unredeemed light is bound. Augustine twice cites a phrase about the souls that “allowed themselves to stray from their former luminous nature”, a Manichaean formula; the subject of “he says” is not named (Mani or Faustus), and the source is not identified here. Hyle is matter. 1 Cor 12:26; 2 Tim 2:13. The “sack of the parricide” (culleus) was the Roman penalty for parricide. At “illud, s quo inruistis” the digital text has a stray “s”; translated as “that into which you have rushed”.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray apostrophe; stray point joining two words): accuset ' eas → accuset eas; non.peccandi → non peccandi.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.22 (CSEL 25.1:611–618; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-22). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.23CSEL 25.1:618

Sic et patriarchas et prophetas non tales uituperatis. quales honorantur a nobis, sed quales libris nostris non intellectis maleuola uanitate finxistis: quos tamen etiam ipsos quales fuisse suspicamini, parum est, si dicam uestris electis omnia Manichaei mandata seruantibus, nisi etiam ostendam ipso deo uestro esse meliores. quod non adgrediar demonstrare, nisi prius sanctos patres nostros patriarchas et prophetas a criminationibus uestris adiuuante me domino aduersum corda carnalia perspicua ratione defendero. et uobis quidem, Manichaei, sic respondere sufficeret, ut etiam uitia, quae putatis, nostrorum laudibus uestrorum praeponenda doceremus, addentes ad cumulum confusionis uestrae, ut etiam deus uester longe peior inueniretur hominibus, quales nostros patres fuisse iactatis. sic ergo, ut dixi, uobis respondere sufficeret. sed quoniam nonnulli etiam praeter uestra uaniloquia sua sponte conmouentur uitam prophetarum in uetere testamento conparantes uitae apostolorum in nouo testamento nec ualentes discernere consuetudinem temporis illius, quo promissio uelabatur, a consuetudine temporis istius, quo promissio reuelatur, eis magis respondere conpellor, qui uel temperantiam suam audent praeferre prophetis uel nequitiae suae quaerunt patrocinia de prophetis.

So too you find fault with the patriarchs and prophets, not such as they are honoured by us, but such as you have invented with malevolent vanity from our books, which you do not understand. And yet even these, such as you suspect them to have been, it is too little for me to say are better than your elect who keep all the commandments of Mani, unless I also show that they are better than your god himself. This I will not undertake to show until, with the Lord's help, I have first defended our holy fathers, the patriarchs and prophets, from your accusations by clear reasoning against fleshly hearts. And to you indeed, Manichaeans, it would be enough to answer thus: by showing that even what you think were the vices of our fathers are to be preferred to the virtues of yours, adding, to heap up your confusion, that your god too is found to be far worse than men such as you boast our fathers to have been. So it would be enough, as I said, to answer you. But since some, even apart from your empty talk, are moved of their own accord when they compare the life of the prophets in the Old Testament with the life of the apostles in the New, and cannot distinguish the custom of that time, in which the promise was veiled, from the custom of this time, in which the promise is revealed, I am compelled rather to answer those who either dare to prefer their own self-restraint to the prophets or seek in the prophets a defence for their own wickedness.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine announces his defence of the patriarchs and prophets, addressed especially to those who misjudge them by the customs of the apostolic age.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.23 (CSEL 25.1:618; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-23). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-contra-faustum-22-23) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.24CSEL 25.1:618–619

Qua in re hoc primum dico illorum hominum non tantum linguam, uerum etiam uitam fuisse propheticam totumque illud regnum gentis Hebraeorum magnum quendam, quia et magni cuiusdam, fuisse prophetam. quocirca, quod ad eos quidem adtinet, qui illic erant eruditi corde in sapientia dei, non solum in his, quae dicebant, sed etiam in his, quae faciebant, quod autem ad ceteros ac simul omnes illius gentis homines, in his, quae in illis uel de illis diuinitus fiebant, prophetia uenturi Christi et ecclesiae perscrutanda est. omnia enim illa, sicut dicit apostolus, figurae nostrae fuerunt.

In this matter I say first that not only the speech but also the life of those men was prophetic, and that that whole kingdom of the Hebrew nation was a great prophet, because it was the prophet of someone great. Therefore, as regards those there who were instructed in heart in the wisdom of God, the prophecy of Christ and the church to come is to be searched out not only in what they said but also in what they did; and as regards the rest, and all the people of that nation together, in what was done divinely in them or concerning them. For all those things, as the apostle says, were figures of us.

1 Cor 10:6 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine states that the lives as well as the words of the prophets, and the whole Hebrew kingdom, were a prophecy of Christ and the church.

  • 1 Cor 10:6.

Topics: Scripture and canon

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.24 (CSEL 25.1:618–619; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-24). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.25CSEL 25.1:619–620

Sic autem isti in quibusdam factis, a quorum altitudine longe sunt, reprehendunt tamquam libidinem prophetarum, sicut nonnulli etiam sacrilegi paganorum reprehendunt tamquam stultitiam uel potius tamquam dementiam Christi, quia tempore anni non congruo poma quaesiuit in arbore, aut puerilis cuiusdam fatuitatis adfectum, quod inclinato capite digito scribebat in terra et, cum hominibus interrogantibus respondisset, rursus hoc facere coepit. nihil enim sapiunt nec intellegunt in magnis animis quasdam uirtutes uitiis paruorum animorum esse simillimas nonnulla specie, sed nulla aequitatis conparatione. similes autem sunt, qui in magnis ista reprehendunt, pueris inperitis in schola, qui cum pro magno didicerint nomini numeri singularis uerbum numeri singularis esse reddendum, reprehendunt latinae linguae doctissimum auctorem, quia dixit: pars in frusta secant. debuit enim, inquiunt, dicere: secat. et quia norunt religionem dici, culpant eum, quia geminata l littera dixit: relligione patrum. unde non absurde fortasse dicatur in genere suo, quantum distant schemata et metaplasmi doctorum a soloecismis et barbarismis inperitorum, tantum distare figurata facta prophetarum a libidinosis peccatis iniquorum. ac per hoc sicut puer in barbarismo reprehensus si de Uergili metaplasmo se uellet defendere. ferulis caederetur, ita quisquis cum ancilla suae coniugis uolutatus Abrahae factum, quod de Agar prolem genuerit, in exemplum defensionis adsumpserit, utinam non plane ferulis, sed uel fustibus coercitus emendetur, ne cum ceteris adulteris aeterno subplicio puniatur. minimae quidem illae res, istae autem magnae sunt, nec ad hoc inde ducta similitudo est. ut schema sacramento et soloecismus adulterio coaequetur. uerumtamen proportione sui cuiusque generis quod in illis locutionum quibusdam uirtutibus seu uitiis peritia uel inperitia, hoc in his morum quamuis longe in diuerso genere uirtutibus seu uitiis sapientia uel insipientia ualet.

These men find fault with certain deeds of the prophets, whose loftiness is far above them, as though they were lust, just as some sacrilegious pagans find fault with Christ as though for folly, or rather madness, because he looked for fruit on a tree at a season of the year when it was not due, or for a childish silliness, because with bowed head he wrote with his finger on the ground and, after answering the men who questioned him, began to do it again. For they have no wisdom, nor do they understand that in great souls certain virtues are very like the vices of small souls in some appearance, but in no comparison of equity. Those who find fault with these things in the great are like untaught boys at school who, having learned as a great thing that a noun in the singular must be given a verb in the singular, find fault with the most learned author of the Latin language because he said: “pars in frusta secant” (“a part cut it into pieces”); he ought, they say, to have said “secat.” And because they know that “religio” is spelled so, they blame him because he wrote “relligione patrum” with a doubled l. Hence it may not absurdly be said, each in its kind, that as far as the figures and metaplasms of the learned differ from the solecisms and barbarisms of the ignorant, so far do the figurative deeds of the prophets differ from the lustful sins of the wicked. And so, just as a boy reproved for a barbarism would be beaten with the rod if he tried to defend himself by Virgil's metaplasm, so whoever, having wallowed with his wife's maidservant, takes as an example in his defence the deed of Abraham in begetting offspring from Hagar—would that he might be corrected, not by the rod merely, but even by the cudgel, so that he may not be punished with the other adulterers in eternal punishment! Those matters are indeed very small, and these great; nor is the likeness drawn from them so that a figure of speech should be put on a level with a sacrament, or a solecism with adultery. Yet, in proportion to each kind, what skill or unskill avails in the case of certain virtues or vices of speech, that wisdom or folly avails in these virtues or vices of conduct, though they are of a far different kind.

Mark 11:13 (allusion, high confidence) · John 8:6 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 16:4 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine compares critics of the prophets to schoolboys who fault Virgil's licences, and warns that no one may excuse adultery by Abraham's union with Hagar.

  • The fig tree (Mark 11:13); Jesus writing on the ground (John 8:6–8). Virgil, Aeneid 1.212 (pars in frusta secant) and 2.715 (relligione patrum). The digital text has the digit “1” for the letter l, corrected. Abraham and Hagar (Gen 16:4).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (digit 1 for the letter l): geminata 1 littera → geminata l littera.

Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Aen. 1.212 (Virgil; quotation); Virgil, Aen. 2.715 (Virgil; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.25 (CSEL 25.1:619–620; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-25). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.26CSEL 25.1:620–621

Quapropter ne in quaeque laudanda uel uituperanda. accusanda uel defendenda, cohercenda uel relaxanda, damnanda uel absoluenda, adpetenda uel uitanda temere inruamus, in quibus omnibus peccata seu recte facta uersantur, prius quid sit peccatum considerare debemus, tunc deinde inspicere facta sanctorum libris conscripta diuinis, ut si qua et ipsorum peccata inuenerimus, ob quam utilitatem sint etiam ipsa condita litteris memoriaeque mandata diligenti, quantum possumus, ratione uideamus. quae autem reppererimus stultis seu maliuolis uideri peccata esse, quae non sunt, nec tamen in eis eminent aliqua exempla uirtutum, haec quoque intueamur, quam ob causam illis inserta sint litteris, quas ad utilitatem uitae praesentis regendae et futurae adipiscendae conditas salubriter credimus. porro autem quaecumque in factis sanctorum elucent documenta iustitiae, nullus uel inperitorum dubitat debuisse conscribi. de illis ergo potest esse quaestio, quae uel inaniter scripta uideri possunt, si nec recte facta adparent nec peccata sunt, uel etiam perniciose, si peccata esse conuincuntur, ne ualeant ad imitationem, siue in ipsis libris reprehensa non sint et ideo putari etiam possint non esse peccata, siue illic quoque reprehensa sint, sed sub facili spe ueniae committantur, quia et in sanctis inuenta sunt.

Therefore, lest we rush rashly into praising or blaming, accusing or defending, restraining or releasing, condemning or acquitting, seeking or avoiding anything—in all of which sins or right actions are found—we ought first to consider what sin is, and then to examine the deeds of the saints written in the divine books, so that, if we find any sins of theirs too, we may see by careful reasoning, as far as we can, for what usefulness these too were put in writing and committed to memory. And whatever we find that seem to the foolish or malevolent to be sins, which are not, and yet in which no examples of virtue stand out, let us consider these too, why they were included in those writings which we believe were wholesomely composed for the usefulness of ruling the present life and attaining the future one. Further, whatever lessons of righteousness shine out in the deeds of the saints, no one, even of the unlearned, doubts ought to have been written. The question, then, can be about those things which may seem to have been written either uselessly, if they appear neither right actions nor sins, or even harmfully, if they are proved to be sins, lest they avail for imitation—whether they are not reproved in the books themselves, and therefore may be thought not even to be sins, or are reproved there too, but are committed with an easy hope of pardon, because they are found even in the saints.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine proposes first to define sin and then to ask why Scripture records deeds of the saints that are sins or seem to be.

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.26 (CSEL 25.1:620–621; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-26). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.27CSEL 25.1:621–622

Ergo peccatum est factum uel dictum uel concupitum aliquid contra aeternam legem. lex uero aeterna est ratio diuina uel uoluntas dei ordinem naturalem conseruari iubens, perturbari uetans. quisnam igitur sit in homine naturalis ordo, quaerendum est. constat enim homo ex anima et corpore, sed hoc et pecus. nulli autem dubium est animam corpori naturali ordine praeponendam. uerum animae hominis inest ratio, quae pecori non inest. proinde sicut anima corpori, ita ipsius animae ratio ceteris eius partibus, quas habent et bestiae, naturae lege praeponitur; inque ipsa ratione, quae partim contemplatiua est, partim actiua, procul dubio contemplatio praecellit. in hac enim et imago dei est, qua per fidem ad speciem reformamur. actio itaque rationalis contemplationi rationali debet oboedire siue per fidem operanti, sicuti est, quamdiu peregrinamur a domino, siue per speciem, quod erit, cum similes ei erimus, quoniam uidebimus eum, sicuti est, effecti etiam in spiritali corpore ex gratia eius aequales angelis eius recepta stola prima inmortalitatis et incorruptionis, qua induetur hoc mortale et corruptibile nostrum, ut absorbeatur mors in uictoria iustitia perfecta per gratiam, quia et sancti ac sublimes angeli habent contemplationem et actionem suam; id enim sibi agendum inperant, quod ille, quem contemplantur, iubet, cuius aeterno imperio liberaliter, quia suauiter, seruiunt; nos uero, quorum corpus mortuum est propter peccatum, antequam uiuificet deus et mortalia corpora nostra per inhabitantem spiritum eius in nobis pro modulo infirmitatis nostrae secundum aeternam legem, qua naturalis ordo seruatur, iuste uiuimus, si uiuamus ex fide non ficta, quae per dilectionem operatur, habentes in conscientia bona spem repositam in caelis inmortalitatis et incorruptionis et ipsius perficiendae iustitiae usque ad quandam ineffabiliter suauissimam saturitatem, quam in ista peregrinatione oportet esuriri ac sitiri, quamdiu per fidem ambulamus, non per speciem.

Sin, then, is anything done or said or desired against the eternal law. And the eternal law is the divine reason or will of God, commanding that the natural order be preserved and forbidding that it be disturbed. What, then, is the natural order in man must be asked. Man consists of soul and body; but so does a beast. No one doubts that the soul is to be set above the body in the natural order. But in the soul of man there is reason, which is not in a beast. Therefore, just as the soul is set above the body, so by the law of nature the reason of the soul itself is set above its other parts, which beasts also have; and within reason itself, which is partly contemplative and partly active, contemplation without doubt excels. For in it is the image of God, by which we are re-formed through faith to sight. Rational action, therefore, ought to obey rational contemplation, whether it works through faith, as it does as long as we are away from the Lord, or through sight, as it will when we shall be like him, because we shall see him as he is, made even, in a spiritual body, equal by his grace to his angels, having received the first robe of immortality and incorruption, with which this mortal and corruptible of ours will be clothed, that death may be swallowed up in victory, righteousness being perfected through grace. For the holy and exalted angels too have their contemplation and action; for they command themselves to do what he whom they contemplate commands, whose eternal rule they serve freely, because sweetly. But we, whose body is dead because of sin, until God gives life also to our mortal bodies through his Spirit dwelling in us, live righteously in the measure of our weakness according to the eternal law, by which the natural order is preserved, if we live by unfeigned faith, which works through love, having in a good conscience the hope laid up in heaven of immortality and incorruption, and of the perfecting of righteousness itself, even to a certain inexpressibly sweet fullness, for which in this pilgrimage we must hunger and thirst, as long as we walk by faith, not by sight.

2 Cor 5:6 (allusion, high confidence) · 2 Cor 5:7 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 John 3:2 (quotation, high confidence) · Luke 20:36 (allusion, medium confidence) · Luke 15:22 (echo, medium confidence) · 1 Cor 15:53 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Cor 15:54 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 8:10 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 8:11 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 Tim 1:5 (allusion, high confidence) · Gal 5:6 (allusion, high confidence) · Col 1:5 (allusion, medium confidence) · Matt 5:6 (echo, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine defines sin as anything done, said, or desired against the eternal law that preserves the natural order, in which body is subject to soul, and action to contemplation.

  • Augustine's classic definition of sin. Scriptural echoes: 2 Cor 5:6–7; 1 John 3:2; Luke 20:36; Luke 15:22 (“the first robe”); 1 Cor 15:53–54; Rom 8:10–11; 1 Tim 1:5; Gal 5:6; Col 1:5; Matt 5:6.

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.27 (CSEL 25.1:621–622; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-27). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.28CSEL 25.1:622–623

Quapropter hominis actio seruiens fidei seruienti deo refrenat omnes mortales delectationes et eas cohercet ad naturalem modum meliora inferioribus ordinata dilectione praeponens. si enim nihil delectaret inlicitum, nemo peccaret. peccat ergo, qui delectationem inliciti relaxat potius quam refrenat. est autem inlicitum, quod lex illa prohibet, qua naturalis ordo seruatur. utrum autem sit aliqua rationalis creatura, quam nihil possit inlicitum delectare, magna quaestio est. quodsi est, non in eo genere factus est homo nec illa natura angelica, quae in ueritate non stetit, sed in eo genere ista rationalia facta sunt, ut inesset eis possibilitas frenandi delectationem ab inlicito, quam non frenando peccauerunt. magna est itaque et humana creatura, quandoquidem per eam possibilitatem instauratur, per quam si uoluisset, nec cecidisset. magnus ergo dominus et laudabilis ualde, qui condidit eam. condidit enim et inferiores, quae non possunt peccare; condidit et meliores, quae nolunt peccare. bestialis enim natura non peccat, quia nihil facit contra aeternam legem, cui sic subdita est, ut eius particeps esse non possit. rursus angelica sublimis natura non peccat, quia ita particeps est legis aeternae, ut solus eam delectet deus, cuius uoluntati sine ullo experimento temptationis obtemperat. homo autem, cuius propter peccatum temptatio est uita super terram, subdat sibi, quod habet commune cum bestiis, subdat deo, quod habet commune cum angelis, donec iustitia et inmortalitate perfecta atque percepta ab istis exaltetur, illis aequetur.

Therefore human action, serving faith which serves God, reins in all mortal delights and restrains them to their natural measure, preferring by ordered love the better to the lower. For if nothing unlawful gave delight, no one would sin. He sins, then, who slackens rather than reins in delight in what is unlawful. And that is unlawful which that law forbids by which the natural order is preserved. Whether there is any rational creature whom nothing unlawful can delight is a great question. If there is, man was not made of that kind, nor that angelic nature which did not stand in the truth; but these rational beings were made of such a kind that there was in them the power to rein in delight from the unlawful, and by not reining it in they sinned. Great, then, is even the human creature, since it is restored through that power by which, had it willed, it would not have fallen. Great, then, is the Lord and greatly to be praised, who made it. For he made lower creatures, which cannot sin; he made also better ones, which will not sin. For the bestial nature does not sin, because it does nothing against the eternal law, to which it is so subject that it cannot share in it. Again, the exalted angelic nature does not sin, because it so shares in the eternal law that God alone delights it, whose will it obeys without any experience of temptation. But man, whose life on earth because of sin is a temptation, should subject to himself what he has in common with beasts and subject to God what he has in common with angels, until, righteousness and immortality being perfected and received, he is raised above the former and made equal to the latter.

John 8:44 (allusion, high confidence) · Ps 48:1 (47:2 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Job 7:1 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine explains that sin is failing to restrain delight in what is unlawful, and places man between beasts that cannot sin and angels that will not.

  • John 8:44 (the devil did not stand in the truth); Ps 48:1 (LXX 47:2) and 145:3; Job 7:1 in the Old Latin form (“temptation is man's life on earth”).

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.28 (CSEL 25.1:622–623; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-28). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.29CSEL 25.1:623–624

Mortales autem delectationes usque ad reparandam seu custodiendam istam mortalem salutem siue uniuscuiusque hominis siue ipsius humani generis uel excitandae uel relaxandae sunt: ultra si prolapsae fuerint et contra temperantiae rationem hominem non se regentem abripuerint libidines, erunt profecto inlicitae ac turpes et dignae doloribus emendari. quodsi etiam perturbatum rectorem in tantam uoraginem perditae consuetudinis mergant. ut uel inultas fore credens confessionis et paenitentiae neglegat medicinam, qua correctus emergat, uel peiore morte cordis contra illam aeternam prouidentiae legem blasphemum eis patrocinium defensionis adhibeat atque ita diem fungatur extremum, non iam emendatione, sed damnatione dignum lex illa inreprehensibilis censet.

Mortal delights are to be either aroused or relaxed only so far as is needed to restore or to preserve this mortal well-being, whether of each individual or of the human race itself. If they slip beyond this and, against the rule of temperance, lusts carry away a man who does not govern himself, they will certainly be unlawful and shameful and deserve to be corrected by pain. And if they plunge the governor, thrown into disorder, into such a whirlpool of ruinous habit that either, believing they will go unpunished, he neglects the medicine of confession and repentance by which he might be corrected and emerge, or, by a worse death of the heart, he brings to them a blasphemous patronage of defence against that eternal law of providence, and so meets his last day, then that blameless law judges him worthy no longer of correction but of condemnation.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine says bodily pleasures are lawful only as far as needed to preserve the individual and the race; beyond that they are sins needing correction or, if defended, deserving condemnation.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray letter): confessionis et t paenitentiae → confessionis et paenitentiae.

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.29 (CSEL 25.1:623–624; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-29). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.30CSEL 25.1:624

Aeterna ergo lege consulta, quae ordinem naturalem conseruari iubet, perturbari uetat, uideamus quid peccauerit, id est, quid contra istam legem fecerit pater Abraham in his, quae uelut magna crimina Faustus obiecit. habendae, inquit, prolis insana flagrans cupidine et deo, qui id iam sibi de Sara coniuge promiserat, minime credens, cum pelice uolutatus sit. insana uero iste Faustus criminandi cupiditate caecatus et haeresis suae nefas prodidit et Abrahae concubitum nesciens erransque laudauit. sicut enim lex illa aeterna, id est uoluntas dei creaturarum omnium conditoris conseruando naturali ordini consulens, non ut satiandae libidini seruiatur, sed ut saluti generis prospiciatur, ad prolem tantummodo propagandam mortalis carnis delectationem dominatu rationis in concubitu relaxari sinit: sic e contrario peruersa lex Manichaeorum, ne deus eorum, quem ligatum in omnibus seminibus plangunt, in conceptu feminae artius conligetur, prolem ante omnia deuitari a concumbentibus iubet, ut deus eorum turpi lapsu potius effundatur quam crudeli nexu uinciatur. non igitur Abraham prolis habendae insana cupiditate flagrabat, sed Manichaeus prolis deuitandae insana uanitate delirabat. proinde ille naturae ordinem seruans nihil humano concubitu agebat, nisi ut homo nasceretur; iste peruersitatem fabulae obseruans nihil in quolibet concubitu timebat, nisi ne deus captiuaretur.

Consulting, then, the eternal law, which commands that the natural order be preserved and forbids that it be disturbed, let us see what father Abraham sinned in, that is, what he did against this law, in the things Faustus objected to as great crimes. “Burning,” he says, “with an insane desire to have offspring, and not believing God, who had already promised him this from his wife Sarah, he wallowed with a concubine.” But this Faustus, blinded by an insane desire to accuse, both betrayed the wickedness of his heresy and, without knowing it and in error, praised Abraham's intercourse. For just as that eternal law, that is, the will of God the creator of all creatures, providing for the preservation of the natural order, allows the delight of mortal flesh to be relaxed under the rule of reason in intercourse only for the propagation of offspring—not so that lust may be served and satisfied, but so that the welfare of the race may be provided for—so, on the contrary, the perverse law of the Manichaeans commands those who have intercourse to avoid offspring above all, lest their god, whom they lament as bound in all seeds, be bound more tightly in a woman's conception; so that their god may be poured out in a shameful fall rather than bound in a cruel tie. It was not Abraham, then, who burned with an insane desire to have offspring, but Mani who raved with an insane folly of avoiding offspring. Accordingly, the one, keeping the order of nature, sought nothing in human intercourse except that a human being should be born; the other, observing the perversity of his fable, feared nothing in any intercourse except that God should be taken captive.

Gen 16:2 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine answers that Abraham's union with Hagar aimed only at offspring, in keeping with the natural law of marriage, whereas Manichaean teaching commands the avoidance of offspring.

  • Augustine quotes Faustus (22.5). On the Manichaean avoidance of procreation, which Augustine describes here, see also his On the Morals of the Manichaeans 18.65. Abraham and Hagar: Gen 16:1–4.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR letter error; stray hyphen; stray point joining two words): iste.Faustus → iste Faustus; lex illa -aeterna → lex illa aeterna; Üinciatur → uinciatur.

Topics: Marriage, Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.30 (CSEL 25.1:624; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-30). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.31CSEL 25.1:624–625

Ubi autem Faustus in facto Abrahae uelut conscientiam culpat uxoris, ibi uero malo quidem animo et intentione uituperandi, sed tamen nesciens et nolens utrumque conlaudat. neque enim conscientiam suam flagitio coniugis miscuit, quo ille suam libidinem turpi et inlicita uoluptate satiaret, sed etiam illa naturali ordine filios uolens seque sterilem sciens ancillaris uteri fecunditatem in usum iuris sui potestate licita uindicauit, non cedens uiro concupiscenti, sed iubens oboedienti. neque hoc inordinata superbia. quis enim nescit uxorem marito tamquam domino debere seruire? sed quod ad membra corporis adtinet, quibus sexus ipse distinguitur, apostolus dicit: similiter et uir sui corporis potestatem non habet, sed mulier. ut cum in ceteris actibus ad humanam pacem pertinentibus mulier uiro debeat seruitutem, huius unius rei, qua sexus utriusque carnali sorte discernitur et carnali conmixtione conceraitur, similem in se habeant potestatem uir in uxorem ut uxor in uirum. prolem igitur, quam de se habere Sara non poterat, de ancilla habere uoluit, ex eo tamen semine, ex quo et de se, si posset, habere debebat. numquam hoc faceret mulier, si in corpore uiri carnali concupiscentia teneretur; zelaret enim potius pelicem, non faceret matrem. nunc uero propterea sic propagandi uoluntas pia fuit, quia concumbendi uoluntas libidinosa non fuit.

And where Faustus blames, in Abraham's deed, as it were, his wife's knowledge, there indeed, with an evil mind and the intention of disparaging, yet unknowingly and unwillingly, he praises both. For she did not join her knowledge to a crime of her husband's, so that he might satisfy his lust with shameful and unlawful pleasure; rather she too, wanting children according to the natural order and knowing herself barren, claimed by lawful authority the fruitfulness of her maidservant's womb for the use of her own right, not yielding to a husband who lusted, but commanding one who obeyed. Nor was this disordered pride. For who does not know that a wife ought to serve her husband as her lord? But as regards the members of the body by which the sex itself is distinguished, the apostle says: “Likewise the husband does not have authority over his own body, but the wife”; so that, while in the other acts that concern human peace the woman owes service to the man, in this one thing, by which the two sexes are distinguished by their fleshly lot and joined by fleshly union, the husband has the same authority over the wife as the wife over the husband. The offspring, then, that Sarah could not have from herself she wished to have from her maidservant, yet from the same seed from which she ought to have had it from herself, if she could. A woman would never do this if she were held by fleshly desire for her husband's body; she would rather be jealous of a concubine than make her a mother. As it was, the will to propagate was godly precisely because the will to have intercourse was not lustful.

Gen 16:2 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Cor 7:4 (quotation, high confidence) · Eph 5:22 (echo, low confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that Sarah, using the mutual authority of spouses over each other's bodies, gave Hagar to Abraham for offspring, not to satisfy his lust.

  • Gen 16:2; 1 Cor 7:4. The verb “concernitur” in the digital text is probably a slip (perhaps for “conectitur” or similar); translated by sense as “joined”.

Topics: Marriage

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.31 (CSEL 25.1:624–625; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-31). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.32CSEL 25.1:625–627

Illud sane defendi non potest, si Abraham, sicut Faustus obiecit, minime credens deo, qui sibi iam prolem de Sara promiserat, de Agar suscipere uoluit. sed apertissime falsum est; nondum hoc promiserat deus. recenseant scripturae illius superiora, qui uolunt, inuenient semini Abraham iam fuisse promissam terram et innumerabilis multitudinis abundantiam. nondum tamen fuisse patefactum, quomodo illius seminis esset futura propagatio, utrum ex carne Abrahae, si de se ipse generaret. an ex uoluntate, si aliquem forte adoptaret: deinde si de carne ipsius, utrum ex Sara, an ex alia prorsus, nondum manifestatum fuit: legant, inquam. qui uolunt, et inuenient Faustum aut falli inprudenter aut fallere inpudenter. itaque Abraham cum sibi uideret non nasci filios et tamen semini suo factam promissionem teneret, primo de adoptione cogitabat. hoc indicat, quod cum deo loquens ait de uernaculo suo: hic heres meus erit. tamquam diceret: quia de me ipso mihi semen non dedisti, in isto conple, quod meo semini promisisti. si enim semen cuiusque non appellaretur, nisi quod de eius carne nasceretur, nec nos appellaret apostolus semen Abrahae, qui certe originem carnis ab illo non ducimus, sed imitatione fidei semen eius facti sumus credentes in Christo, cuius caro ex illius carne propagata est. tunc ergo Abraham audiuit a domino: non hic erit heres tuus; sed qui exiet de utero tuo, ipse erit heres tuus. iam tunc adoptionis cogitatione sublata cum de se ipso semen speraret Abraham, restabat incertum, utrum ex Sara, an ex alia: quod illi deus occultare uoluit, donec prius ex ancilla uetus testamentum figuraretur. quid ergo mirum, si uidens Abraham sterilem uxorem cupientem sibi prolem, quam parere ipsa non potuit, ex famula sua et ex marito prouenire, non suae carnali cupiditati cessit, sed coniugali potestati obtemperauit. credens hoc Saram ex dei nutu uoluisse, qui iam ex se ipso illi heredem promiserat. sed ex qua femina non praedixerat? frustra igitur Faustus ad obiciendum hoc crimen insanus insiluit tamquam infidelem Abraham infideliter arguens. cetera enim caecitate non credendi nec ualuit intellegere, hoc autem libidine calumniandi neglexit et legere.

This certainly could not be defended, if Abraham, as Faustus objected, wished to have offspring by Hagar not believing God, who had already promised him offspring from Sarah. But it is most plainly false: God had not yet promised this. Let those who wish go over the earlier parts of that Scripture; they will find that the land and the abundance of a countless multitude had already been promised to Abraham's seed, but it had not yet been revealed how that seed was to be propagated—whether from Abraham's flesh, if he begot of himself, or by choice, if perhaps he adopted someone; and then, if from his own flesh, whether from Sarah or from another woman altogether, had not yet been made clear. Let those who wish read, I say, and they will find that Faustus either is deceived through imprudence or deceives through impudence. So Abraham, when he saw that sons were not born to him and yet held fast to the promise made to his seed, first thought of adoption. This is shown by his saying, when speaking with God, of his home-born servant: “This one will be my heir”; as though he said: since you have not given me seed from myself, fulfil in this one what you promised to my seed. For if only what was born of someone's flesh were called his seed, the apostle would not call us the seed of Abraham, who certainly do not derive the origin of our flesh from him, but have become his seed by imitating his faith, believing in Christ, whose flesh was propagated from his flesh. Then, therefore, Abraham heard from the Lord: “This one will not be your heir, but he who comes forth from your womb, he will be your heir.” Now that the thought of adoption was removed, since Abraham hoped for seed from himself, it remained uncertain whether it would be from Sarah or from another; which God wished to hide from him until the Old Testament should first be prefigured from the maidservant. What wonder, then, if Abraham, seeing that his barren wife wished offspring to come to her from her maidservant and from her husband, since she could not bear it herself, did not yield to his own fleshly desire but obeyed the authority of the marriage, believing that Sarah had wished this by God's prompting, who had already promised him an heir from himself, but had not foretold from which woman? In vain, then, did Faustus madly leap to make this accusation, faithlessly charging Abraham with faithlessness. The other things he could not understand through the blindness of unbelief; but this he neglected even to read, through the lust of slandering.

Gen 13:16 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 15:3 (quotation, high confidence) · Gen 15:4 (quotation, high confidence) · Gal 3:29 (allusion, high confidence) · Gal 4:24 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 17:16 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine shows from Genesis that when Abraham took Hagar, God had promised him an heir from his own body but had not yet said it would be through Sarah.

  • Gen 12:7; 13:15–16; 15:2–4 (Augustine's Latin of 15:3 has “this one,” the servant); Gal 3:7, 29; Hagar as the Old Testament (Gal 4:22–26). The promise of a son by Sarah comes only in Gen 17:16–19.

Topics: Marriage

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.32 (CSEL 25.1:625–627; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-32). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.33CSEL 25.1:627–628

Quod autem iustum et fidelem uirum matrimonii sui infamissimum nundinatorem appellans auaritiae ac uentris causa duobus regibus Abimelech et Pharaoni diuersis temporibus Saram coniugem suam sororem mentitum. quia erat pulcherrima, in concubitum adserit uenditasse, non ore ueredico a turpitudine separat honestatem, sed ore maledico totum uertit in crimen. hoc enim Abrahae factum lenocinio simile uidetur, sed non ualentibus ex illius aeternae legis lumine a peccatis recte facta discernere: quibus et constantia pertinacia uideri potest et uirtus fiduciae uitium putatur audaciae et quaecumque similiter obiciuntur quasi non recte agentibus a non recte cernentibus. neque enim Abraham flagitio consensit uxoris eiusque uendidit adulterium, sed sicut illa famulam suam non libidini mariti permisit, sed officio generandi ultro intulit nequaquam turbato ordine naturali, ubi eius potestas erat, iubens potius oboedienti quam cedens concupiscenti: sic et ipse coniugem castam et casto corde sibi cohaerentem, de cuius animo, ubi pudicitiae uirtus habitabat, nullo modo dubitabat. tacuit uxorem, dixit sororem, ne se occiso ab alienigenis atque inpiis captiua possideretur, certus de deo suo, quod nihil eam turpe ac flagitiosum perpeti sineret. nec eum fides ac spes fefellit; namque Pharao territus monstris multisque propter eam malis adflictus, ubi eius uxorem diuinitus didicit, inlaesam cum honore restituit; Abimelech autem somno commonitus et edoctus similiter fecit.

And as for his calling a righteous and faithful man a most infamous trafficker in his own marriage, and asserting that for the sake of greed and his belly he sold his wife Sarah for intercourse to two kings, Abimelech and Pharaoh, at different times, falsely calling her his sister because she was very beautiful—he does not, with truthful mouth, separate the honourable from the shameful, but with slandering mouth turns the whole into a crime. This deed of Abraham does seem like procuring, but only to those who cannot, by the light of that eternal law, distinguish right actions from sins: to whom constancy too can seem obstinacy, and the virtue of confidence is thought the vice of boldness, and whatever else of the kind is objected against those who act rightly, as though they did not, by those who do not see rightly. For Abraham did not consent to a crime of his wife's and sell her adultery; but just as she did not hand over her maidservant to her husband's lust, but of her own accord brought her to the duty of begetting, without at all disturbing the natural order, since that lay in her authority, commanding one who obeyed rather than yielding to one who lusted: so he too, of his chaste wife, who clung to him with a chaste heart, of whose mind, where the virtue of modesty dwelt, he had no doubt at all, kept silent that she was his wife and said she was his sister, lest, if he were killed, she should be held captive by foreigners and ungodly men; being sure of his God that he would not let her suffer anything shameful and wicked. Nor did his faith and hope deceive him; for Pharaoh, frightened by portents and afflicted with many evils on her account, when he learned by divine means that she was his wife, restored her unharmed and with honour; and Abimelech, warned and instructed in a dream, did the same.

Gen 12:13 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 12:17 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 20:3 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine defends Abraham's calling Sarah his sister as trust in God to guard her chastity, not a sale of her, noting that both kings returned her untouched.

  • Gen 12:10–20; 20:1–18.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR letter error): fiagitio → flagitio; cura honore → cum honore.

Topics: Marriage

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.33 (CSEL 25.1:627–628; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-33). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).

22.34CSEL 25.1:628

Nonnulli quidem non calumniosi et maledici sicut Faustus, sed eisdem libris honorem debitum deferentes, quos iste uel non intellegendo reprehendit uel reprehendendo non intellegit, cum hoc Abrahae factum considerarent, uisum est eis, quod a firmitate fidei subdefecerit atque titubauerit et timore mortis sicut dominum Petrus, ita iste negauerit uxorem. quod si ita necesse esset intellegi, peccatum hominis agnoscerem; nec ideo cuncta eius merita deleta atque oblitterata censerem, sicut nec illius apostoli. quamquam culpa non sit aequalis negare uxorem et negare saluatorem. nunc uero cum habeam, quod intellegam, ne hoc intellegam, nulla causa cogor temeritate labi ad reprehendendum, quem nemo conuincit timore lapsum fuisse ad mentiendum. neque enim utrum eius uxor esset interrogatus, non esse respondit, sed cum ab eo quaereretur, quid ei esset illa mulier, indicauit sororem, non negauit uxorem: tacuit aliquid ueri, non dixit aliquid falsi.

Some indeed—not slanderous and abusive like Faustus, but paying due honour to the same books which he either finds fault with through not understanding or does not understand through finding fault—when they considered this deed of Abraham, thought that he fell somewhat short of firmness of faith and wavered, and that, from fear of death, he denied his wife as Peter denied the Lord. If it had to be understood so, I would acknowledge the man's sin; nor would I therefore judge all his merits blotted out and erased, any more than those of that apostle—although it is not an equal fault to deny one's wife and to deny the Saviour. But as it is, since I have a way of understanding it that does not require me to understand it so, I am under no compulsion to slip rashly into blaming one whom no one proves to have slipped through fear into lying. For he was not asked whether she was his wife and answered that she was not; but when he was asked what that woman was to him, he declared her his sister; he did not deny her as his wife. He kept silent some truth; he did not say anything false.

Matt 26:70 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine considers the view that Abraham, like Peter, faltered from fear, but holds that he told no lie, since he called Sarah his sister without denying she was his wife.

  • Peter's denial (Matt 26:69–75).

Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.34 (CSEL 25.1:628; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/22-22/#p-22-34). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).