City of God 5.18–5.25

Latin text: Hoffmann, CSEL 40 (Latin text: Dombart and Hoffmann, De civitate dei (CSEL 40, 1899-1900), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 2 (1887).

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Chapter 5

5.18CSEL 40:245–251

CAPUT XVIII. Quam alieni a iactantia esse debeant Christiani, si aliquid fecerint pro dilectione patriae aeternae, cum tanta Romani gesserint pro humana gloria et ciuitate terrena. Quid ergo magnum est pro illa aeterna caelestique patria cuncta saeculi huius quamlibet iucunda blandimenta contemnere, si pro hac temporali adque terrena filios Brutus potuit et occidere, quod illa facere neminem cogit? Sed certe difficilius est filios interimere, quam quod pro ista faciendum est, ea, quae filiis congreganda uidebantur adque seruanda, uel donare pauperibus uel, si existat tentatio, quae id pro fide adque iustitia fieri conpellat, amittere. Felices enim uel nos uel filios nostros non diuitiae terrenae faciunt aut nobis uiuentibus amittendae aut nobis mortuis a quibus nescimus uel forte a quibus nolumus possidendae; sed Deus felices facit, qui est mentium uera opulentia. Bruto autem, quia filios occidit, infelicitatis perhibet testimonium etiam poeta laudator. Ait enim: Natosque pater noua bella monentes Ad poenam pulchra pro libertate uocabit Infelix, utcumque ferent ea facta minores. Sed uersu sequenti consolatus est infelicem: Uincit amor patriae laudumque inmensa cupido. Haec sunt duo illa, libertas et cupiditas laudis humanae, quae ad facta conpulit miranda Romanos. Si ergo pro libertate moriturorum et cupiditate laudum, quae a mortalibus expetuntur, occidi filii a patre potuerunt: quid magnum est, si pro uera libertate, quae nos ab iniquitatis et mortis et diaboli dominatu liberos facit, nec cupiditate humanarum laudum, sed caritate liberandorum hominum, non a Tarquinio rege, sed a daemonibus et daemonum principe, non filii occiduntur, sed Christi pauperes inter filios conputantur? Si alius etiam Romanus princeps, cognomine Torquatus, filium, non quia contra patriam, sed etiam pro patria, tamen quia contra imperium suum, id est contra quod imperauerat pater imperator, ab hoste prouocatus iuuenali ardore pugnauerat, licet uicisset, occidit, ne plus mali esset in exemplo imperii contemti quam boni in gloria hostis occisi: ut quid se iactent, qui pro inmortalis patriae legibus omnia, quae multo minus quam filii diliguntur, bona terrena contemnunt? Si Furius Camillus etiam ingratam patriam, a cuius ceruicibus acerrimorum hostium Veientium iugum depulerat damnatusque ab aemulis fuerat, a Gallis iterum liberauit, quia non habebat potiorem, ubi posset uiuere gloriosius: quur extollatur, uelut grande aliquid fecerit, qui forte in ecclesia ab inimicis carnalibus grauissimam exhonorationis passus iniuriam non se ad eius hostes haereticos transtulit aut aliquam contra illam ipse haeresem condidit, sed eam potius quantum ualuit ab haereticorum perniciosissima prauitate defendit, cum alia non sit, non ubi uiuatur in hominum gloria, sed ubi uita ad aeterna aeterna? Si Mucius, ut cum Porsenna rege pax fieret, qui grauissimo bello Romanos premebat, quia Porsennam ipsum occidere non potuit et pro eo alterum deceptus occidit, in ardentem aram ante eius oculos dexteram extendit, dicens multos tales, qualem illum uideret, in eius exitium coniurasse cuius ille fortitudinem et coniurationem talium perhorrescens sine ulla dubitatione se ab illo bello facta pace conpescuit: quis regno caelorum inputaturus est merita sua, si pro illo non unam manum neque hoc sibi ultro faciens, sed persequente aliquo patiens totum flammis corpus inpenderit? Si Curtius armatus equo concito in abruptum hiatum terrae se praecipitem dedit, deorum suorum oraculis seruiens, quoniam iusserant, ut illuc id quod Romani haberent optimum mitteretur, nec aliud intellegere potuerunt, quam uiris armisque se excellere, unde uidelicet oportebat, ut deorum iussis in illum interitum uir praecipitaretur armatus: quid se magnum pro aeterna patria fecisse dicturus est, qui aliquem fidei suae passus inimicum non se ultro in talem mortem mittens, sed ab illo missus obierit; quando quidem a Domino suo eodemque rege patriae suae certius oraculum accepit: Nolite timere eos, qui corpus occidunt, animam autem non possunt occidere? Si se occidendos certis uerbis quodam modo consecrantes Decii deuouerunt, ut illis cadentibus et iram deorum sanguine suo placantibus Romanus liberaretur exercitus: nullo modo superbient sancti martyres, tamquam dignum aliquid pro illius patriae participatione fecerint, ubi aeterna est et uera felicitas, si usque ad sui sanguinis effusionem non solum suos fratres, pro quibus fundebatur, uerum et ipsos inimicos, a quibus fundebatur, sicut eis praeceptum est, diligentes caritatis fide et fidei caritate certarunt? Si Marcus Puluillus dedicans aedem Iouis Iunonis Mineruae falso sibi ab inuidis morte filii nuntiata, ut illo nuntio perturbatus abscederet adque ita dedicationis gloriam collega eius consequeretur, ita contemsit, ut eum etiam proici insepultum iuberet (sic in eius corde orbitatis dolorem gloriae cupiditas uicerat): quid magnum se pro euangelii sancti praedicatione, qua ciues supernae patriae de diuersis liberantur et colliguntur erroribus, fecisse dicturus est, cui Dominus de sepultura patris sui sollicito ait: Sequere me et sine mortuos sepelire mortuos suos? Si Marcus Regulus, ne crudelissimos hostes iurando falleret, ad eos ab ipsa Roma reuersus est, quoniam, sicut Romanis eum tenere uolentibus respondisse fertur, postea quam Afris seruierat, dignitatem illic honesti ciuis habere non posset, eumque Carthaginienses, quoniam contra eos in Romano senatu egerat, grauissimis suppliciis necauerunt: qui cruciatus non sunt pro fide illius patriae contemnendi, ad cuius beatitudinem fides ipsa perducit? aut quid retribuetur Domino pro omnibus quae retribuit, si pro fide quae illi debetur talia fuerit homo passus, qualia pro fide quam perniciosissimis inimicis debebat passus est Regulus? Quo modo se audebit extollere de uoluntaria paupertate Christianus, ut in huius uitae peregrinatione expeditior ambulet uiam, quae perducit ad patriam, ubi uerae diuitiae Deus ipse est, cum audiat uel legat Lucium Valerium, qui in suo defunctus est consulatu, usque adeo fuisse pauperem, ut nummis a populo conlatis eius sepultura curaretur? audiat uel legat Quintium Cincinnatum, cum quattuor iugera possideret et ea suis manibus coleret, ab aratro esse adductum, ut dictator fieret, maior utique honore quam consul, uictisque hostibus ingentem gloriam consecutum in eadem paupertate mansisse? Aut quid se magnum fecisse praedicabit, qui nullo praemio mundi huius fuerit ab aeternae illius patriae societate seductus, cum Fabricium didicerit tantis muneribus Pyrrhi, regis Epirotarum, promissa etiam quarta parte regni, a Romana ciuitate non potuisse deuelli ibique in sua paupertate priuatum manere maluisse? Nam illud quod rem publicam, id est rem populi, rem patriae, rem communem, cum haberent opulentissimam adque ditissimam, sic ipsi in suis domibus pauperes erant, ut quidam eorum, qui iam bis consul fuisset, ex illo senatu hominum pauperum pelleretur notatione censoria, quod decem pondo argenti in uasis habere conpertus est; ita idem ipsi pauperes erant, quorum triumphis publicum ditabatur aerarium: nonne omnes Christiani, qui excellentiore proposito diuitias suas communes faciunt secundum id quod scriptum est in actibus apostolorum, ut distribuatur unicuique sicut cuique opus est, et nemo dicat aliquid proprium, sed sint illis omnia communia, intellegunt se nulla ob hoc uentilari oportere iactantia, id faciendo pro obtinenda societate angelorum, cum paene tale aliquid illi fecerint pro conseruanda gloria Romanorum? Haec et alia, si qua huius modi reperiuntur in litteris eorum, quando sic innotescerent, quando tanta fama praedicarentur, nisi Romanum imperium longe lateque porrectum magnificis successibus augeretur? Proinde per illud imperium tam latum tamque diuturnum uirorumque tantorum uirtutibus praeclarum adque gloriosum et illorum intentioni merces quam quaerebant est reddita, et nobis proposita necessariae commonitionis exempla, ut, si uirtutes, quarum istae utcumque sunt similes, quas isti pro ciuitatis terrenae gloriae tenuerunt, pro Dei gloriosissima ciuitate non tenuerimus, pudore pungamur; si tenuerimus, superbia non extollamur; quoniam, sicut dicit apostolus, indignae sunt passiones huius temporis ad futuram gloriam, quae reuelabitur in nobis. Ad humanam uero gloriam praesentisque temporis satis digna uita aestimabatur illorum. Unde etiam Iudaei, qui Christum occiderunt, reuelante testamento nouo quod in uetere uelatum fuit, ut non pro terrenis et temporalibus beneficiis, quae diuina prouidentia permixte bonis malisque concedit, sed pro aeterna uita muneribusque perpetuis et ipsius supernae ciuitatis societate colatur Deus unus et uerus, rectissime istorum gloriae donati sunt, ut hi, qui qualibuscumque uirtutibus terrenam gloriam quaesiuerunt et adquisiuerunt, uincerent eos, qui magnis uitiis datorem uerae gloriae et ciuitatis aeternae occiderunt adque respuerunt.

Chapter 18. How far Christians ought to be from boasting if they have done anything for love of the eternal country, when the Romans did such great things for human glory and an earthly city.

What great thing is it, then, to despise all the allurements of this world, however pleasant, for that eternal and heavenly country, if for this temporal and earthly one Brutus could even kill his sons, which that country compels no one to do? But certainly it is harder to put one's sons to death than to do what must be done for the heavenly country: either to give to the poor the things that seemed to be gathered and kept for one's sons, or, if a temptation arises that compels it for the sake of faith and righteousness, to lose them. For it is not earthly riches that make us or our sons happy, riches that must either be lost while we live or possessed after our death by we know not whom, or perhaps by those we would not wish; but God makes us happy, who is the true wealth of minds. To Brutus, however, because he killed his sons, even the poet who praises him bears witness of unhappiness. For he says:

“And the father will call to punishment, for fair liberty, his sons who stir up new wars, unhappy man, however later ages will judge those deeds.”

But in the next verse he consoled the unhappy man:

“Love of country conquers, and immense desire for praise.”

These are those two things, liberty and the desire of human praise, that drove the Romans to wonderful deeds. If, then, for the liberty of men who were going to die and for the desire of praise sought from mortals, sons could be killed by their father, what great thing is it if, for the true liberty that makes us free from the dominion of iniquity and death and the devil, and not from desire of human praise but from love of setting men free, not from King Tarquin but from demons and the prince of demons, sons are not killed, but the poor of Christ are counted among one's sons? If another Roman leader too, surnamed Torquatus, killed his son, not because he had fought against his country, but indeed for his country, yet because, challenged by an enemy, he had fought with youthful ardor against his command, that is, against what his father the general had commanded, even though he had won, lest there be more harm in the example of despised command than good in the glory of an enemy slain: why should those boast who, for the laws of an immortal country, despise all earthly goods, which are loved much less than sons? If Furius Camillus, after he had driven the yoke of the fiercest enemies, the Veientes, from the neck of his country, and had been condemned by his rivals, freed that ungrateful country again from the Gauls, because he had no better place where he could live more gloriously: why should anyone be extolled as if he had done something great who, having perhaps suffered in the church the gravest injury of dishonor from carnal enemies, has not gone over to her enemies the heretics or himself founded some heresy against her, but has rather defended her as far as he could from the most ruinous perversity of the heretics, since there is no other church, not where one may live in human glory, but where eternal life may be gained? If Mucius, to make peace with King Porsenna, who was pressing the Romans with a most grievous war, because he could not kill Porsenna himself and killed another in his place by mistake, stretched out his right hand onto a burning altar before his eyes, saying that many such as he saw him to be had sworn together for his destruction, so that Porsenna, dreading his courage and the conspiracy of such men, without any hesitation made peace and withdrew from that war: who will reckon his merits to the kingdom of heaven if for it he has given up to the flames, not one hand, and not by doing it to himself of his own accord, but suffering it at the hands of some persecutor, his whole body? If Curtius, armed, spurred his horse and threw himself headlong into a steep chasm of the earth, obeying the oracles of his gods, since they had commanded that the best thing the Romans had should be thrown in there, and they could understand nothing else than that they excelled in men and arms, so that, of course, by the command of the gods an armed man had to be hurled headlong into that destruction: what great thing will he say he has done for the eternal country who, having encountered some enemy of his faith, has died, not throwing himself into such a death of his own accord but sent to it by that enemy, since he has received from his Lord, who is also the King of his country, a more certain oracle: “Do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the soul”? If the Decii devoted themselves to be slain, in a way consecrating themselves with fixed words, so that as they fell and appeased the anger of the gods with their blood, the Roman army might be delivered: the holy martyrs will in no way be proud, as if they had done something worthy for a share in that country where happiness is eternal and true, if, even to the shedding of their blood, loving, as they were commanded, not only their brothers, for whom it was shed, but also their very enemies, by whom it was shed, they contended in the faith of love and the love of faith. If Marcus Pulvillus, when he was dedicating the temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, and envious men had falsely announced to him his son's death, so that he might go away disturbed by the news and his colleague might win the glory of the dedication, so despised it that he even ordered the body to be thrown out unburied (so completely had the desire for glory conquered the grief of bereavement in his heart): what great thing will he say he has done for the preaching of the holy gospel, by which the citizens of the heavenly country are freed from various errors and gathered together, to whom, when he was anxious about his father's burial, the Lord said: “Follow me, and let the dead bury their own dead”? If Marcus Regulus, so as not to deceive the cruelest enemies after swearing to them, returned to them from Rome itself, because, as he is said to have answered the Romans who wished to keep him, after he had been a slave to the Africans he could not have the dignity of an honorable citizen there; and the Carthaginians, because he had acted against them in the Roman senate, killed him with the most grievous tortures: what tortures are not to be despised for faithfulness to that country to whose blessedness faith itself leads? Or what “shall be rendered to the Lord for all that he has rendered,” if for the faithfulness owed to him a man suffers such things as Regulus suffered for the faithfulness he owed to his most dangerous enemies? How will a Christian dare to extol himself for voluntary poverty, embraced in order to walk more readily, in the pilgrimage of this life, the way that leads to the country where God himself is the true riches, when he hears or reads that Lucius Valerius, who died in his consulship, was so poor that his burial was provided for with money collected from the people? Let him hear or read that Quinctius Cincinnatus, when he owned four acres and farmed them with his own hands, was brought from the plow to be made dictator, an honor certainly greater than consul, and after conquering the enemy and winning immense glory remained in the same poverty. Or what great thing will he proclaim he has done who has not been lured away from the fellowship of that eternal country by any reward of this world, when he has learned that Fabricius could not be torn away from the Roman city by the great gifts of Pyrrhus, king of the Epirotes, even with the promise of a fourth part of his kingdom, and preferred to remain there a private man in his poverty? For when they had a republic, that is, the property of the people, the property of the country, the common property, most opulent and wealthy, they themselves were so poor in their own houses that one of them, who had already been consul twice, was expelled from that senate of poor men by the censor's mark, because he was found to have ten pounds of silver in vessels; so poor were those same men by whose triumphs the public treasury was enriched. Do not all Christians, then, who with a more excellent purpose make their riches common, according to what is written in the Acts of the Apostles, that it be distributed to each as each has need, and no one call anything his own, but they have all things in common, understand that they ought not to puff themselves up with any boasting for doing this to obtain the fellowship of angels, when those men did almost the same thing to preserve the glory of the Romans? When would these and other such things, if any are found in their writings, have become known, when would they have been proclaimed with such fame, unless the Roman empire, extended far and wide, had grown by magnificent successes? So through that empire, so broad and so lasting, famous and glorious for the virtues of such great men, both the reward they sought was given to their intention, and examples of necessary admonition were set before us, so that if we do not hold, for the most glorious city of God, the virtues which these men held for the glory of the earthly city, and to which theirs are in some way similar, we may be stung with shame; and if we do hold them, we may not be lifted up with pride; since, as the apostle says, “the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the glory to come, which will be revealed in us.” But for human glory and that of the present time their life was thought worthy enough. So also the Jews who killed Christ, now that the New Testament reveals what was veiled in the Old, that the one true God is to be worshipped not for earthly and temporal benefits, which divine providence grants indiscriminately to good and bad, but for eternal life and everlasting gifts and the fellowship of the heavenly city itself, were most rightly given over to the glory of these Romans, so that those who sought and acquired earthly glory by virtues of whatever kind might conquer those who with great vices killed and rejected the giver of true glory and of the eternal city.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Matt 10:28 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 5:44 (allusion, high confidence) · Matt 8:22 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 116:12 (115:3 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 4:32 (allusion, high confidence) · Acts 4:35 (allusion, high confidence) · Rom 8:18 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine sets famous Roman sacrifices for earthly glory (Brutus, Torquatus, Camillus, Mucius, Curtius, the Decii, Regulus, Cincinnatus, Fabricius) against the Christian's duty, so that believers may neither boast nor fall short.

  • Virgil, Aeneid 6.820–823. The closing remark on the Jews, conquered by Rome, is translated as written. Near the Camillus comparison the digital text reads “ubi uita ad aeterna aeterna”, apparently corrupt (other editions: “ubi uita adquiratur aeterna”); the translation follows that sense.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR n for u; stray period): Natosqne pater nona bella → Natosque pater noua bella; quae nos. ab → quae nos ab; ut quid. se → ut quid se.

Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Aen. 6.820–823 (Virgil; quotation); Livy, 2.12–13 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion)

Topics: Martyrdom

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 5.18 (CSEL 40:245–251; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/5-18/#p-5-18). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-5-18) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

5.19CSEL 40:251–254

CAPUT XVIIII. Quo inter se differant cupiditas gloriae et cupiditas dominationis. Interest sane inter cupiditatem humanae gloriae et cupiditatem dominationis. Nam licet procliue sit, ut, qui humana gloria nimium delectatur, etiam dominari ardenter adfectet, tamen qui ueram licet humanarum laudum gloriam concupiscunt, dant operam bene iudicantibus non displicere. Sunt enim multa in moribus bona, de quibus multi bene iudicant, quamuis ea multi non habeant; per ea bona morum nituntur ad gloriam et imperium uel dominationem, de quibus ait Sallustius: Sed ille uera uia nititur.) Quisquis autem sine cupiditate gloriae, qua ueretur homo bene iudicantibus displicere, dominari adque imperare desiderat, etiam per apertissima scelera quaerit plerumque obtinere quod diligit. Proinde qui gloriam concupiscit, aut uera uia nititur aut certe dolis adque fallaciis contendit, uolens bonus uideri esse, quod non est. Et ideo uirtutes habenti magna uirtus est contemnere gloriam, quia contemtus eius in conspectu Dei est, iudicio autem non aperitur humano. Quidquid enim fecerit ad oculos hominum, quo gloriae contemtor appareat, ad maiorem laudem, hoc est ad maiorem gloriam, facere si credatur, non est unde se suspicantium sensibus aliter esse, quam suspicantur, ostendat. Sed qui contemnit iudicia laudantium, contemnit etiam suspicantium temeritatem, quorum tamen, si uere bonus est, non contemnit salutem, quoniam tantae iustitiae est qui de spiritu Dei uirtutes habet, ut etiam ipsos diligat inimicos, et ita diligat, ut suos osores uel detractores uelit correctos habere consortes non in terrena patria, sed superna; in laudatoribus autem suis, quamuis paruipendat quod eum laudant, non tamen paruipendit quod amant, nec eos uult fallere laudantes, ne decipiat diligentes; ideoque instat ardenter, ut potius ille laudetur, a quo habet homo quidquid in eo iure laudatur. Qui autem gloriae contemtor dominationis est auidus, bestias superat siue crudelitatis uitiis siue luxuriae. Tales quidam Romani fuerunt. Non enim cura existimationis amissa dominationis cupiditate caruerunt. Multos tales fuisse prodit historia; sed huius uitii summitatem et quasi arcem quandam Nero Caesar primus obtinuit, cuius fuit tanta luxuries, ut nihil ab eo putaretur uirile metuendum; tanta crudelitas, ut nihil molle habere crederetur, si nesciretur. Etiam talibus tamen dominandi potestas non datur nisi summi Dei prouidentia, quando res humanas iudicat talibus dominis dignas. Aperta de hac re uox diuina est loquente Dei sapientia: Per me reges regnant et tyranni per me tenent terram. Sed ne tyranni non pessimi adque inprobi reges, sed uetere nomine fortes dicti existimentur (unde ait Vergilius: Pars mihi pacis erit dextram tetigisse tyranni): apertissime alio loco de Deo dictum est: Quia regnare facit hominem hypocritam propter peruersitatem populi. Quam ob rem, quamuis ut potui satis exposuerim qua causa Deus unus uerus et iustus Romanos secundum quandam formam terrenae ciuitatis bonos adiuuerit ad tanti imperii gloriam consequendam: potest tamen et alia causa esse latentior propter diuersa merita generis humani, Deo magis nota quam nobis, dum illud constet inter omnes ueraciter pios, neminem sine uera pietate, id est ueri Dei uero cultu, ueram posse habere uirtutem, nec eam ueram esse, quando gloriae seruit humanae; eos tamen, qui ciues non sint ciuitatis aeternae, quae in sacris litteris nostris dicitur ciuitas Dei, utiliores esse terrenae ciuitati, quando habent uirtutem uel ipsam, quam si nec ipsam. Illi autem, qui uera pietate praediti bene uiuunt, si habent scientiam regendi populos, nihil est felicius rebus humanis, quam si Deo miserante habeant potestatem. Tales autem homines uirtutes suas, quantascumque in hac uita possunt habere, non tribuunt nisi gratiae Dei, quod eas uolentibus credentibus petentibus dederit, simulque intellegunt quantum sibi desit ad perfectionem iustitiae, qualis est in illorum sanctorum angelorum societate, cui se nituntur aptare. Quantumlibet autem laudetur adque praedicetur uirtus, quae sine uera pietate seruit hominum gloriae, nequaquam sanctorum exiguis initiis conparanda est, quorum spes posita est in gratia et in misericordia ueri Dei.

Chapter 19. How the desire for glory and the desire for domination differ.

There is certainly a difference between the desire for human glory and the desire for domination. For though it is an easy slope for one who delights too much in human glory to aim ardently at domination as well, yet those who desire true glory, even of human praise, take care not to displease those who judge well. For there are many good things in character of which many judge well, though many do not have them; by these good qualities of character they strive for glory and command or domination, those of whom Sallust says, “But the former strives by the true way.” But whoever desires to lord it and command without the desire for glory, by which a man fears to displease those who judge well, generally seeks to obtain what he loves even by the most open crimes. So one who desires glory either strives by the true way, or at least contends by tricks and deceits, wishing to seem good when he is not. And therefore for one who has virtues it is a great virtue to despise glory, because the contempt of it is in the sight of God, but is not disclosed to human judgment. For whatever he does before the eyes of men to appear a despiser of glory, if he is believed to do it for greater praise, that is, for greater glory, he has no means of showing the senses of those who suspect him that he is otherwise than they suspect. But one who despises the judgments of those who praise him despises also the rashness of those who suspect him; yet, if he is truly good, he does not despise their salvation. For one who has virtues from the Spirit of God is of such great righteousness that he loves even his enemies, and loves them so that he wishes his haters and detractors to be corrected and to share with him, not in an earthly country but in the heavenly one. As for those who praise him, though he makes little of their praising him, he does not make little of their loving him; and he does not wish to deceive them when they praise him, lest he mislead those who love him; and so he presses ardently that rather he should be praised from whom a man has whatever is rightly praised in him. But one who despises glory and is greedy for domination surpasses the beasts in the vices either of cruelty or of luxury. Some Romans were such. For they lost their concern for reputation but did not lose the desire for domination. History reveals that there were many such; but the summit and, as it were, the citadel of this vice was first held by Nero Caesar, whose luxury was so great that nothing manly was thought to be feared from him, and whose cruelty was so great that he would have been believed to have nothing soft in him, had this not been known. Yet even to such men the power to rule is not given except by the providence of the supreme God, when he judges human affairs worthy of such masters. The divine voice on this matter is plain, where the Wisdom of God speaks: “By me kings reign, and by me tyrants hold the land.” But lest tyrants should be thought to mean not the worst and wicked kings but, in the old usage, strong men (hence Virgil says, “It will be a pledge of peace to me to have touched the tyrant's right hand”), it is said most plainly of God in another place: “Who makes a hypocrite reign because of the perversity of the people.” Therefore, although I have explained as well as I could for what reason the one true and just God helped the Romans, who were good according to a certain pattern of the earthly city, to attain the glory of so great an empire, there may also be another, more hidden reason, better known to God than to us, because of the different deserts of the human race; provided that this is agreed among all the truly pious, that no one can have true virtue without true piety, that is, without the true worship of the true God, and that virtue is not true when it serves human glory; yet that those who are not citizens of the eternal city, which in our sacred writings is called the city of God, are more useful to the earthly city when they have even that virtue than if they had not even that. But if those endowed with true piety, who live well, have the skill of ruling peoples, nothing is happier for human affairs than that, by the mercy of God, they should have power. Such men attribute their virtues, however great they can have them in this life, only to the grace of God, because he has given them to them as they willed, believed, and asked; and at the same time they understand how far they fall short of the perfection of righteousness such as exists in the fellowship of the holy angels, to which they strive to fit themselves. But however much the virtue that serves human glory without true piety is praised and proclaimed, it is in no way to be compared with the small beginnings of the saints, whose hope is placed in the grace and mercy of the true God.

Prov 8:15 (quotation, high confidence) · Prov 8:16 (quotation, high confidence) · Job 34:30 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 5:44 (allusion, medium confidence) · Ps 87:3 (echo, low confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine distinguishes love of glory from lust for domination, teaches that even tyrants rule by God's permission, and holds that true virtue requires true piety.

  • Proverbs 8:15–16 and Job 34:30 are quoted in the Old Latin/Vulgate wording (“tyrants”, “hypocrite”). Virgil, Aeneid 7.266; Sallust, Catiline 11.2.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray period): intellegunt. quantum → intellegunt quantum.

Extrabiblical texts: Sallust, Cat. 11.2 (Sallust; quotation); Virgil, Aen. 7.266 (Virgil; quotation)

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 5.19 (CSEL 40:251–254; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/5-18/#p-5-19). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

5.20CSEL 40:254–256

CAPUT XX. Tam turpiter seruire uirtutes humanae gloriae quam corporis uoluptati. Solent philosophi, qui finem boni humani in ipsa uirtute constituunt, ad ingerendum pudorem quibusdam philosophis, qui uirtutes quidem probant, sed eas uoluptatis corporalis fine metiuntur et illam per se ipsam putant adpetendam, istas propter ipsam, tabulam quandam uerbis pingere, ubi uoluptas in sella regali quasi delicata quaedam regina considat, eique uirtutes famulae subiciantur, obseruantes eius nutum, ut faciant quod illa imperauerit, quae prudentiae iubeat, ut uigilanter inquirat, quo modo uoluptas regnet et salua sit; iustitiae iubeat, ut praestet beneficia quae potest ad conparandas amicitias corporalibus commodis necessarias, nulli faciat iniuriam, ne offensis legibus uoluptas uiuere secura non possit; fortitudini iubeat, ut, si dolor corpori accesserit, qui non conpellat in mortem, teneat dominam suam, id est uoluptatem, fortiter in animi cogitatione, ut per pristinarum deliciarum suarum recordationem mitiget praesentis doloris aculeos; temperantiae iubeat, ut tantum capiat alimentorum etsi qua delectant, ne per inmoderationem noxium aliquid ualetudinem turbet et uoluptas, quam etiam in corporis sanitate Epicurei maximam ponunt, grauiter offendatur. Ita uirtutes cum tota suae gloria dignitatis tamquam imperiosae cuidam et inhonestae mulierculae seruient uoluptati. Nihil hac pictura dicunt esse ignominiosius et deformius et quod minus ferre bonorum possit aspectus; et uerum dicunt. Sed non existimo satis debiti decoris esse picturam, si etiam talis fingatur, ubi uirtutes humanae gloriae seruiunt. Licet enim ipsa gloria delicata mulier non sit, inflata [tamen] est et multum inanitatis habet. Unde non ei digne seruit soliditas quaedam firmitasque uirtutum, ut nihil prouideat prouidentia, nihil distribuat iustitia, nihil toleret fortitudo, nihil temperantia moderetur, nisi unde placeatur hominibus et uentosae gloriae seruiatur. Nec illi se ab ista foeditate defenderint, qui, cum aliena spernant iudicia uelut gloriae contemtores, sibi sapientes uidentur et sibi placent. Nam eorum uirtus, si tamen ulla est, alio modo quodam humanae subditur laudi; neque enim ipse, qui sibi placet, homo non est. Qui autem uera pietate in Deum, quem diligit, credit et sperat, plus intendit in ea, quibus sibi displicet, quam in ea, si qua in illo sunt, quae non tam ipsi quam ueritati placent; neque id tribuit, unde iam potest placere, nisi eius misericordiae, cui metuit displicere; de his sanatis gratias agens, de illis sanandis preces fundens.

Chapter 20. That it is as shameful for the virtues to serve human glory as bodily pleasure.

Philosophers who place the end of human good in virtue itself are accustomed, in order to put to shame certain philosophers who approve of the virtues but measure them by the end of bodily pleasure, and think that pleasure is to be sought for itself and the virtues for its sake, to paint a kind of picture in words, in which Pleasure sits on a royal throne like some dainty queen, and the virtues are placed under her as her maidservants, watching her nod to do what she commands. She orders Prudence to inquire vigilantly how Pleasure may reign and be safe; she orders Justice to do what favors she can to win the friendships necessary for bodily comforts, and to do no one injury, lest, if the laws are offended, Pleasure cannot live securely; she orders Fortitude, if pain comes upon the body that does not drive it to death, to keep her mistress, that is, Pleasure, bravely in the thought of the mind, so as to soften the stings of present pain by recalling her former delights; she orders Temperance to take only so much food, even of what delights, lest something harmful through excess disturb health, and Pleasure, which the Epicureans place chiefly in the health of the body, be seriously offended. So the virtues, with all the glory of their dignity, will serve Pleasure as though she were some imperious and dishonorable little woman. Nothing, they say, is more ignominious and ugly than this picture, nothing the sight of good men could less bear; and they speak the truth. But I do not think the picture would have the beauty it ought, even if another were imagined in which the virtues serve human glory. For though Glory herself is not a dainty woman, she is puffed up and has much emptiness. So it is unworthy that a certain solidity and firmness of the virtues should serve her, so that Prudence foresees nothing, Justice distributes nothing, Fortitude endures nothing, Temperance moderates nothing, except what may please men and serve windy glory. Nor can those defend themselves from this foulness who, despising the judgments of others as if they were despisers of glory, seem wise to themselves and please themselves. For their virtue, if it is any virtue at all, is subject to human praise in another way; for the one who pleases himself is still a man. But one who with true piety believes and hopes in God, whom he loves, attends more to the things in which he displeases himself than to those things, if there are any in him, which please not so much himself as the truth; and he attributes what makes him now able to please only to the mercy of him whom he fears to displease, giving thanks for the things that have been healed and pouring out prayers for those still to be healed.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that virtues made to serve human glory are as degraded as the Epicurean picture of virtues serving Pleasure.

  • The picture of Pleasure served by the virtues is attributed to Cleanthes by Cicero, On Ends 2.69. The editor deletes “tamen” after “inflata”.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray period): philosophis. qui → philosophis, qui; adpetendam. istas → adpetendam, istas; fortitudini iubeat. ut → fortitudini iubeat, ut.

Extrabiblical texts: Cicero, Fin. 2.69 (Cicero; allusion); Cleanthes (Cleanthes (fragments); allusion); Epicurus (Epicurus (sayings and fragments); allusion)

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 5.20 (CSEL 40:254–256; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/5-18/#p-5-20). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

5.21CSEL 40:256–257

CAPUT XXI. Romanum regnum a Deo uero esse dispositum, a quo est omnis potestas et cuius prouidentia reguntur uniuersa. Quae cum ita sint, non tribuamus dandi regni adque imperii potestatem nisi Deo uero, qui dat felicitatem in regno caelorum solis piis; regnum uero terrenum et piis et inpiis, sicut ei placet, cui nihil iniuste placet. Quamuis enim aliquid dixerimus, quod apertum nobis esse uoluit: tamen multum est ad nos et ualde superat uires nostras hominum occulta discutere et liquido examine merita diiudicare regnorum. Ille igitur unus uerus Deus, qui nec iudicio nec adiutorio deserit genus humanum, quando uoluit et quantum uoluit Romanis regnum dedit; qui dedit Assyriis, uel etiam Persis, a quibus solos duos deos coli, unum bonum, alterum malum, continent litterae istorum; ut taceam de populo Hebraeo, de quo iam dixi quantum satis uisum est, qui praeter unum Deum non coluit et quando regnauit. Qui ergo Persis dedit segetes sine cultu deae Segetiae, qui alia dona terrarum sine cultu tot deorum, quos isti rebus singulis singulos, uel etiam rebus singulis plures praeposuerunt: ipse etiam regnum dedit sine cultu eorum, per quorum cultum se isti regnasse crediderunt. Sic etiam hominibus: qui Mario, ipse Gaio Caesari; qui Augusto, ipse et Neroni; qui Vespasianis, uel patri uel filio, suauissimis imperatoribus, ipse et Domitiano crudelissimo; et ne per singulos ire necesse sit, qui Constantino Christiano, ipse apostatae Iuliano, cuius egregiam indolem decepit amore dominandi sacrilega et detestanda curiositas, cuius uanis deditus oraculis erat, quando fretus securitate uictoriae naues, quibus uictus necessarius portabatur, incendit; deinde feruide instans inmodicis ausibus et mox merito temeritatis occisus in locis hostilibus egenum reliquit exercitum, ut aliter inde non posset euadi, nisi contra illud auspicium dei Termini, de quo superiore libro diximus, Romani imperii termini mouerentur. Cessit enim Terminus deus necessitati, qui non cesserat Ioui. Haec plane Deus unus et uerus regit et gubernat, ut placet; et si occultis causis, numquid iniustis?

Chapter 21. That the Roman kingdom was ordered by the true God, from whom is all power and by whose providence all things are ruled.

This being so, let us attribute the power of giving kingdom and empire only to the true God, who gives happiness in the kingdom of heaven to the pious alone, but an earthly kingdom both to the pious and to the impious, as it pleases him, whom nothing unjust pleases. For though we have said something of what he willed to be plain to us, it is still too much for us, and far beyond our powers, to examine the hidden things of men and to judge by a clear examination the deserts of kingdoms. That one true God, then, who does not abandon the human race either in judgment or in help, gave the kingdom to the Romans when he willed and as much as he willed; he who gave it to the Assyrians, or even to the Persians, by whom, as their writings contain, only two gods were worshipped, one good and the other evil; to say nothing of the Hebrew people, of whom I have already said as much as seemed enough, who worshipped none but the one God, even when they had a kingdom. He, then, who gave the Persians crops without the worship of the goddess Segetia, who gave the other gifts of the earth without the worship of so many gods, whom these people set over single things one each, or even several over single things, himself also gave them a kingdom without the worship of those by whose worship these people believed they had reigned. So too with men: he who gave it to Marius gave it to Gaius Caesar; he who gave it to Augustus gave it also to Nero; he who gave it to the Vespasians, father or son, most gentle emperors, gave it also to the most cruel Domitian; and, not to have to go through them one by one, he who gave it to Constantine the Christian gave it also to Julian the apostate, whose excellent nature was deceived, through love of domination, by a sacrilegious and detestable curiosity; he was devoted to its empty oracles when, relying on the certainty of victory, he burned the ships that carried the necessary provisions; then, pressing on hotly with reckless daring, and soon killed as his rashness deserved, he left his army destitute in enemy country, so that it could not escape from there except by moving the boundaries of the Roman empire, against that augury of the god Terminus of which we spoke in the previous book. For the god Terminus, who had not yielded to Jupiter, yielded to necessity. Plainly the one true God rules and governs these things as he pleases; and if for hidden causes, are they therefore unjust?

Rom 13:1 (echo, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine attributes all earthly kingdoms, given to good and bad rulers alike, to the one true God's just though hidden providence.

  • The two Persian gods: the dualism of Zoroastrian religion (Ahura Mazda and Angra Mainyu).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR n for ri; stray period): et inpiis. sicut → et inpiis, sicut; mox mento temeritatis → mox merito temeritatis.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 5.21 (CSEL 40:256–257; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/5-18/#p-5-21). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

5.22CSEL 40:257–258

CAPUT XXII. Tempora exitusque bellorum ex Dei pendere iudicio. Sic etiam tempora ipsa bellorum, sicut in eius arbitrio est iustoque iudicio et misericordia uel adterere uel consolari genus humanum, ut alia citius, alia tardius finiantur. Bellum piratarum a Pompeio, bellum Punicum tertium ab Scipione incredibili celeritate et temporis breuitate confecta sunt. Bellum quoque fugitiuorum gladiatorum, quamuis multis Romanis ducibus et duobus consulibus uictis Italiaque horribiliter contrita adque uastata, tertio tamen anno post multa consumta consumtum est. Picentes, Marsi et Peligni, gentes non exterae, sed Italicae, post diuturnam et deuotissimam sub Romano iugo seruitutem in libertatem caput erigere tentauerunt, iam multis nationibus Romano imperio subiugatis deletaque Carthagine; in quo bello Italico Romanis saepissime uictis ubi et duo consules perierunt et alii nobilissimi senatores, non diuturno tamen tempore tractum est hoc malum; nam quintus annus ei finem dedit. Sed bellum Punicum secundum cum maximis detrimentis et calamitate rei publicae per annos decem et octo Romanas uires extenuauit et paene consumsit; duobus proeliis ferme septuaginta Romanorum milia ceciderunt. Bellum Punicum primum per uiginti et tres annos peractum est; bellum Mithridaticum quadraginta. Ac ne quisquam arbitretur rudimenta Romanorum fuisse fortiora ad bella citius peragenda, superioribus temporibus multum in omni uirtute laudatis bellum Samniticum annis tractum est ferme quinquaginta; in quo bello ita Romani uicti sunt, ut sub iugum etiam mitterentur. Sed quia non diligebant gloriam propter iustitiam, sed iustitiam propter gloriam diligere uidebantur, pacem factam foedusque ruperunt. Haec ideo commemoro, quoniam multi praeteritarum rerum ignari, quidam etiam dissimulatores suae scientiae, si temporibus Christianis aliquod bellum paulo diutius trahi uident, ilico in nostram religionem proteruissime insiliunt, exclamantes, quod, si ipsa non esset et uetere ritu numina colerentur, iam Romana illa uirtute, quae adiuuante Marte et Bellona tanta celeriter bella confecit, id quoque celerrime finiretur. Recolant igitur qui legerunt, quam diuturna bella, quam uariis euentis, quam luctuosis cladibus a ueteribus sint gesta Romanis, sicut solet orbis terrarum uelut procellosissimum pelagus uaria talium malorum tempestate iactari, et quod nolunt aliquando fateantur, nec insanis aduersus Deum linguis se interimant et decipiant inperitos.

Chapter 22. That the durations and outcomes of wars depend on the judgment of God.

So too the very durations of wars depend on his will, as it lies in his choice and just judgment and mercy either to wear down or to console the human race, so that some are ended sooner and others later. The war with the pirates by Pompey, and the Third Punic War by Scipio, were finished with incredible speed and in a short time. The war of the fugitive gladiators too, though many Roman generals and two consuls were defeated and Italy was horribly crushed and laid waste, was nevertheless finished in its third year, after it had consumed much. The Picentes, Marsi, and Paeligni, nations not foreign but Italian, after long and most devoted servitude under the Roman yoke, tried to lift their heads to liberty, when many nations had already been subjugated to the Roman empire and Carthage destroyed; in this Italian war, in which the Romans were very often defeated and two consuls and other most noble senators perished, this evil was nevertheless not drawn out a long time, for the fifth year put an end to it. But the Second Punic War, with the greatest losses and calamity to the republic, wore down the Roman forces for eighteen years and almost consumed them; in two battles about seventy thousand Romans fell. The First Punic War was carried on for twenty-three years; the Mithridatic War for forty. And lest anyone think that the early Romans were stronger at finishing wars quickly, in the earlier times, much praised for every virtue, the Samnite War was drawn out for about fifty years; and in that war the Romans were so defeated that they were even sent under the yoke. But because they did not love glory for the sake of justice, but seemed to love justice for the sake of glory, they broke the peace and treaty they had made. I mention these things because many who are ignorant of past events, and some who even conceal their knowledge, if they see some war in Christian times drawn out a little longer, at once leap most impudently upon our religion, crying out that if it did not exist and the deities were worshipped in the old rite, this war too would be ended very quickly by that Roman valor which, with the help of Mars and Bellona, finished such great wars so quickly. Let those who have read, then, recall how long the wars were, with what varied outcomes, with what mournful disasters they were waged by the ancient Romans, as the world is accustomed to be tossed like a most stormy sea by the varied tempest of such evils; and let them at last admit what they do not want to, and not destroy themselves with mad tongues against God and deceive the unskilled.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine shows from Roman history that wars were long and disastrous before Christian times, so the length of present wars cannot be blamed on Christianity.

  • The Caudine Forks (321 BC), when a Roman army was sent under the yoke by the Samnites.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 5.22 (CSEL 40:257–258; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/5-18/#p-5-22). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

5.23CSEL 40:258–260

CAPUT XXIII. De bello, in quo Radagaisus rex Gothorum, daemonum cultor, uno die cum ingentibus copiis suis uictus est. Quod tamen nostra memoria recentissimo tempore Deus mirabiliter et misericorditer fecit, non cum gratiarum actione commemorant, sed, quantum in ipsis est, omnium si fieri potest hominum obliuione sepelire conantur; quod a nobis si tacebitur, similiter erimus ingrati. Cum Radagaisus, rex Gothorum, agmine ingenti et inmani iam in Urbis uicinia constitutus Romanis ceruicibus inmineret, uno die tanta celeritate sic uictus est, ut ne uno quidem non dicam extincto, sed uulnerato Romanorum multo amplius quam centum milium prosterneretur eius exercitus adque ipse mox captus poena debita necaretur. Nam si ille tam inpius cum tantis et tam inpiis copiis Romam fuisset ingressus. cui pepercisset? quibus locis martyrum honorem detulisset? in qua persona Deum timeret? cuius non sanguinem fusum, cuius pudicitiam uellet intactam? Quas autem isti pro dis suis uoces haberent, quanta insultatione iactarent, quod ille ideo uicisset, ideo tanta potuisset, quia cottidianis sacrificiis placabat adque inuitabat deos, quod Romanos facere Christiana religio non sinebat? Nam propinquante iam illo his locis, ubi nutu summae maiestatis obpressus est, cum eius fama ubique crebresceret, nobis aput Carthaginem dicebatur, hoc credere spargere iactare paganos, quod ille dis amicis protegentibus et opitulantibus, quibus immolare cottidie ferebatur, uinci omnino non posset ab eis, qui talia dis Romanis sacra non facerent nec fieri a quoquam permitterent. Et non agunt miseri gratias tantae misericordiae Dei, qui cum statuisset inruptione barbarica grauiora <pati> dignos mores hominum castigare, indignationem suam tanta mansuetudine temperauit, ut illum primo faceret mirabiliter uinci, ne ad infirmorum animos euertendos gloria daretur daemonibus, quibus eum supplicare constabat; deinde ab his barbaris Roma caperetur, qui contra omnem consuetudinem gestorum ante bellorum ad loca sancta confugientes Christianae religionis reuerentia tuerentur ipsisque daemonibus adque inpiorum sacrificiorum ritibus, de quibus ille praesumserat, sic aduersarentur nomine Christiano, ut longe atrocius bellum cum eis quam cum hominibus gerere uiderentur; ita uerus dominus gubernatorque rerum et Romanos cum misericordia flagellauit, et tam incredibiliter uictis supplicatoribus daemonum nec saluti rerum praesentium necessaria esse sacrificia illa monstrauit, ut ab his qui non peruicaciter contendunt, sed prudenter adtendunt, nec propter praesentes necessitates uera religio deseratur, et magis aeternae uitae fidelissima expectatione teneatur.

Chapter 23. On the war in which Radagaisus, king of the Goths, a worshipper of demons, was defeated in one day with his huge forces.

What God did wonderfully and mercifully in our own memory, very recently, they do not mention with thanksgiving, but, as far as in them lies, try to bury in the forgetfulness of all men, if that can be done; and if we are silent about it, we shall be equally ungrateful. When Radagaisus, king of the Goths, stationed with a huge and savage host already in the neighborhood of the City, hung over the necks of the Romans, he was defeated in one day with such speed that, while not one Roman was killed, I will not say even wounded, his army of far more than a hundred thousand was laid low, and he himself was soon captured and put to death with the punishment he deserved. For if that man, so impious, with such great and such impious forces, had entered Rome, whom would he have spared? To what places of the martyrs would he have shown honor? In whose person would he have feared God? Whose blood would he have wished unshed, whose chastity untouched? And what cries would these people have raised for their gods, with what insults would they have boasted that he had won, that he had been able to do such great things, because he appeased and invited the gods with daily sacrifices, which the Christian religion did not allow the Romans to do! For when he was already approaching these places where he was crushed at the nod of the supreme Majesty, and his fame was growing everywhere, it was said to us at Carthage that the pagans believed, spread about, and boasted that, with the gods his friends protecting and helping him, to whom he was reported to sacrifice every day, he could not possibly be defeated by those who did not offer such rites to the Roman gods and did not allow them to be offered by anyone. And the wretches do not give thanks to so great a mercy of God, who, having determined to chastise the morals of men, which deserved to suffer heavier things, by a barbarian invasion, tempered his indignation with such gentleness that he first caused that man to be wonderfully defeated, lest glory be given to the demons, to whom it was known that he prayed, to overturn the minds of the weak; and then allowed Rome to be taken by those barbarians who, contrary to every custom of wars waged before, protected those who fled to the holy places out of reverence for the Christian religion, and who, in the Christian name, so opposed the demons themselves and the rites of impious sacrifices in which that other had trusted that they seemed to be waging a much fiercer war with them than with men. So the true Lord and Governor of things both scourged the Romans with mercy and, by the incredible defeat of those who prayed to demons, showed that those sacrifices are not necessary even for the safety of present things; so that by those who do not contend obstinately but consider wisely, the true religion may not be deserted because of present necessities, but rather held in most faithful expectation of eternal life.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine recounts the sudden defeat of the pagan Goth Radagaisus near Rome (406) and the sparing of refugees in churches at Alaric's sack (410) as signs of God's merciful providence.

  • Radagaisus was defeated at Faesulae in 406; the “barbarians” who took Rome are Alaric's Goths (410). The angle-bracketed “pati” is the editor's supplement.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR B for R; repeated syllables; stray hyphen; stray period): dis Bomanis → dis Romanis; peruicaciter caciter → peruicaciter; omnium si- fieri → omnium si fieri; qui cum. statuisset → qui cum statuisset.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 5.23 (CSEL 40:258–260; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/5-18/#p-5-23). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

5.24CSEL 40:260–262

CAPUT XXIIII. Quae sit Christianorum imperatorum et quam uera felicitas. Neque enim nos Christianos quosdam imperatores ideo felices dicimus, quia uel diutius imperarunt uel imperantes filios morte placida reliquerunt, uel hostes rei publicae domuerunt uel inimicos ciues aduersus se insurgentes et cauere obprimere potuerunt. Haec et alia uitae huius aerumnosae uel munera uel solacia quidam etiam cultores daemonum accipere meruerunt, qui non pertinent ad regnum Dei, quo pertinent isti; et hoc ipsius misericordia factum est, ne ab illo ista qui in eum crederent uelut summa bona desiderarent. Sed felices eos dicimus, si iuste imperant, si inter linguas sublimiter honorantium et obsequia nimis humiliter salutantium non extolluntur, et se homines esse meminerunt; si suam potestatem ad Dei cultum maxime dilatandum maiestati eius famulam faciunt; si Deum timent diligunt colunt; si plus amant illud regnum, ubi non timent habere consortes; si tardius uindicant, facile ignoscunt; si eandem uindictam pro necessitate regendae tuendaeque rei publicae, non pro saturandis inimicitiarum odiis exerunt; si eandem ueniam non ad inpunitatem iniquitatis, sed ad spem correctionis indulgent; si, quod aspere coguntur plerumque decernere, misericordiae lenitate et beneficiorum largitate conpensant; si luxuria tanto eis est castigatior, quanto posset esse liberior; si malunt cupiditatibus prauis quam quibuslibet gentibus imperare et si haec omnia faciunt non propter ardorem inanis gloriae, sed propter caritatem felicitatis aeternae; si pro suis peccatis humilitatis et miserationis et orationis sacrificium Deo suo uero immolare non neglegunt. Tales Christianos imperatores dicimus esse felices interim spe, postea re ipsa futuros, cum id quod expectamus aduenerit.

Chapter 24. What the happiness of Christian emperors is, and how far it is true happiness.

For we do not call certain Christian emperors happy because they reigned longer, or died a peaceful death leaving their sons as emperors, or subdued the enemies of the republic, or were able both to guard against and to crush hostile citizens rising up against them. These and other gifts or consolations of this troubled life some worshippers of demons, too, deserved to receive, who do not belong to the kingdom of God, to which these belong; and this was done by his mercy, so that those who believed in him should not desire these things from him as the highest goods. But we call them happy if they rule justly; if amid the tongues of those who honor them loftily and the servility of those who greet them too humbly they are not lifted up, but remember that they are men; if they make their power the handmaid of his majesty, to spread the worship of God as widely as possible; if they fear, love, and worship God; if they love more that kingdom where they are not afraid to have partners; if they are slow to punish and ready to pardon; if they apply punishment for the necessity of ruling and defending the republic, not to satisfy the hatred of enmity; if they grant pardon not to let iniquity go unpunished but in hope of correction; if what they are often compelled to decree harshly they make up for by the gentleness of mercy and the generosity of benefits; if their luxury is the more restrained the freer it could be; if they prefer to rule over evil desires rather than over any nations; and if they do all this not from ardor for empty glory but from love of eternal happiness; if they do not neglect to offer to their true God, for their sins, the sacrifice of humility, compassion, and prayer. Such Christian emperors we call happy, meanwhile in hope, and hereafter in reality, when what we await has come.

Ps 51:17 (50:19 LXX) (echo, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine defines the true happiness of Christian emperors as just, humble, and merciful rule directed to God and eternal life, not earthly success.

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 5.24 (CSEL 40:260–262; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/5-18/#p-5-24). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

5.25CSEL 40:262–263

CAPUT XXV. De prosperitatibus, quas Constantino imperatori Christiano Deus contulit. Nam bonus Deus, ne homines, qui eum crederent propter aeternam uitam colendum, has sublimitates et regna terrena existimarent posse neminem consequi, nisi daemonibus supplicet, quod hi spiritus in talibus multum ualerent, Constantinum imperatorem non supplicantem daemonibus, sed ipsum uerum Deum colentem tantis terrenis inpleuit muneribus, quanta optare nullus auderet; cui etiam condere ciuitatem Romano imperio sociam, uelut ipsius Romae filiam, sed sine aliquo daemonum templo simulacroque concessit. Diu imperauit, uniuersum orbem Romanum unus Augustus tenuit et defendit; in administrandis et gerendis bellis uictoriosissimus fuit, in tyrannis obprimendis per omnia prosperatus est; grandaeuus aegritudine et senectute defunctus est, filios imperantes reliquit. Sed rursus ne imperator quisquam ideo Christianus esset, ut felicitatem Constantini mereretur, cum propter uitam aeternam quisque debeat esse Christianus: Iouianum multo citius quam Iulianum abstulit; Gratianum ferro tyrannico permisit interimi, longe quidem mitius quam magnum Pompeium colentem uelut Romanos deos. Nam ille uindicari a Catone non potuit, quem ciuilis belli quodam modo heredem reliquerat; iste autem, quamuis piae animae solacia talia non requirant, a Theodosio uindicatus est; quem regni participem fecerat, cum paruulum haberet et fratrem, auidior fidae societatis quam nimiae potestatis.

Chapter 25. On the prosperity that God conferred on the Christian emperor Constantine.

For the good God, lest men who believed that he should be worshipped for the sake of eternal life should think that no one could attain these heights and earthly kingdoms unless he prayed to demons, because these spirits had great power in such matters, filled the emperor Constantine, who did not pray to demons but worshipped the true God himself, with such great earthly gifts as no one would dare to wish for. He granted him even to found a city allied to the Roman empire, like a daughter of Rome itself, but without any temple or image of the demons. He reigned long; as sole Augustus he held and defended the whole Roman world; he was most victorious in directing and waging wars; in crushing tyrants he prospered in everything; he died in great age of sickness and old age, and left sons as emperors. But again, lest any emperor should be a Christian in order to earn the happiness of Constantine, since each one ought to be a Christian for the sake of eternal life, he took away Jovian much sooner than Julian; he allowed Gratian to be slain by a tyrant's sword, though far more gently than the great Pompey, who worshipped the so-called Roman gods. For Pompey could not be avenged by Cato, whom he had left, as it were, heir of the civil war; but Gratian, though pious souls do not seek such consolations, was avenged by Theodosius, whom he had made a partner in the kingdom though he had a little brother, being more eager for a faithful partnership than for excessive power.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine notes the great earthly prosperity God gave Constantine, but also the short reigns of Jovian and Gratian, so that no one would be a Christian for earthly reward.

  • The city is Constantinople, dedicated in 330.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray hyphen): Romae -filiam → Romae filiam.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 5.25 (CSEL 40:262–263; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/5-18/#p-5-25). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).