Orations (other than the Theological Orations) 4.28–4.59

Greek text: PG 35–36.English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 2, vol. 7 (1894), Select Orations.

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Chapter 4

4.28PG 35:556a–556c

Εἰ γᾷιρ καὶ τὴν ἀσέβειαν οὐκ ἐπέσχεν ὁ τῶν μαρτύρων Θεὸς, οὐδὲ τήν μελετωμένην καὶ κρυπτομένην κακίαν ὥσπερ ῥεῦμα πονηρὸν εὐθὺς ἆνεξῆρανεν, ἀνέκοψεν, οἷς αὐτὸς ἠπίστατο λόγοις, κατὰ τὴν asiam αὐτοῦ σοφίαν τε καὶ κυβερνησιν, καθʼ ἣν καὶ τὰς ’Δμορραίων ἀνομίας ἀναπληρωθῆναι ᾠκονόμει · ἀλλʼ ἔδει τήν τε κακοήθειαν μισηθῆναι, καὶ τήν τιμὴν ἀπωσθῆναι τῶν πολλῶν ἔνεκεν, καὶ δειχθῆναι τοῦ Θεοῦ τήν περὶ πάντα τὰ προσφερόμενα ἶσότητά τε καὶ καθαρότητα, ΚΘʼὉ γὰρ εἰπὼν ἀσεβοῦντι τῷ Ἰσραήλ· Ἐάν προσφέρητε σεμίδαλιν, μάταιον· θυμίαμα βδέλυγμα μοί ἐστιʼ τάς τε Νουμηνίας αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ Σάββατα, καὶ ἡμέραν μεγάλην οὐ προσιέμενος · μηδὲγὰρ δεῖσθαι, πλήρης, ὥν, μηδενὸς τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων τε καί μικρῶν, ’ίνα χαίρῃ καὶ τοῖς ἀναξίως προσφερομένοις· τήν τε τοῦ ἀνόμου θυσίαν, κᾶν μόσίος, ὡς κυνὸς βδελυττόμενος, καί ὡς βλασφημίαν τὸν λίβανον, καὶ ἄλλαγμα πόρνης ἐξορίζων τοῦ ἰεροῦ καὶ ἀποσειόμενος, μόνην δὲ θυσίαν τιμῶν, ἦν καθαραὶ τῷ καθαρωτάτῳ προσφέρουσι χεῖρες, καί νοῦς ὑψηλός τε καὶ ἡγνισμένος τί θαυμαστὸν, εἷ μηδὲ τήν ἐκείνου τιμήν προσεδέξατο πονηρῶς τε καὶ μετὰ πονηρᾶς τῆς διανοίας προσαγοσ μένην, ὁ μή καθορῶν ὡς ἅνθρωπος, μηδὲ εἷς τὸ φαινόμενον βλέπων, ἀλλʼ είς τὸν κρυπτὸν ἄνθρωπον, καὶ εἰς τὸ ἔνδον τῆς κακίας ἢ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐργαστήριον ; Τοῦτο μὶν δὴ τοιοῦτο ο καὶ εἴ τις ἀπιστεῖ, τοὺς τεθεαμένους αὐτοὺς ἐπιμαρτυρόμεθά · πολλοὶ δέ εἷʼσιν, οἳ καὶ ἡμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἔπειτα τὸ θαῦμα τοῦτο παρέπεμψάν τε καὶ παραπέμψουσιν.

Ei gąir kai tēn asebeian ouk epeschen ho tōn martyrōn Theos, oude tēn meletōmenēn kai kryptomenēn kakian hōsper rheuma ponēron euthys anexēranen, anekopsen, hois autos ēpistato logois, kata tēn asiam autou sophian te kai kybernēsin, kathʼ hēn kai tas ’Dmorraiōn anomias anaplērōthēnai ǭkonomei ; allʼ edei tēn te kakoētheian misēthēnai, kai tēn timēn apōsthēnai tōn pollōn eneken, kai deichthēnai tou Theou tēn peri panta ta prospheromena isotēta te kai katharotēta, KThʼHo gar eipōn asebounti tǭ Israēl; Ean prospherēte semidalin, mataion; thymiama bdelygma moi estiʼ tas te Noumēnias autōn kai ta Sabbata, kai hēmeran megalēn ou prosiemenos ; mēdegar deisthai, plērēs, hōn, mēdenos tōn anthrōpinōn te kai mikrōn, ’ina chairę̄ kai tois anaxiōs prospheromenois; tēn te tou anomou thysian, kan mosios, hōs kynos bdelyttomenos, kai hōs blasphēmian ton libanon, kai allagma pornēs exorizōn tou ierou kai aposeiomenos, monēn de thysian timōn, ēn katharai tǭ katharōtatǭ prospherousi cheires, kai nous hypsēlos te kai hēgnismenos ti thaumaston, hei mēde tēn ekeinou timēn prosedexato ponērōs te kai meta ponēras tēs dianoias prosagos menēn, ho mē kathorōn hōs hanthrōpos, mēde heis to phainomenon blepōn, allʼ eis ton krypton anthrōpon, kai eis to endon tēs kakias ē tēs aretēs ergastērion ? Touto min dē toiouto o kai ei tis apistei, tous tetheamenous autous epimartyrometha ; polloi de heiʼsin, hoi kai hēmin kai tois epeita to thauma touto parepempsan te kai parapempsousin.

For if the God of the martyrs did not check his impiety, nor at once dry up and cut off, like an evil stream, the vice that was being devised and hidden, it was for reasons he alone knew, according to his wisdom and governance, by which he also arranged that the iniquities of the Amorites should be filled up; but the malice had to be hated and the honour rejected for the sake of the many, and God’s impartiality and purity toward all that is offered to him had to be shown. [29] For he said to Israel when it was impious: “If you bring fine flour, it is vain; incense is an abomination to me”; and he did not accept their new moons and sabbaths and great day (for he needs nothing, being full, of things human and small, so as to delight even in what is offered unworthily); he abhors the sacrifice of the lawless, even if it is a calf, as if it were a dog’s, and the frankincense as blasphemy; he banishes and shakes off from the temple the hire of a harlot; and he honours only that sacrifice which pure hands and a mind lofty and purified offer to the Purest. What wonder, then, if he did not accept that man’s honour either, offered wickedly and with wicked intent, he who does not look as man looks, nor at the appearance, but at the hidden man and the inner workshop of vice or virtue? Such, then, was this; and if anyone disbelieves it, we call as witnesses those who saw it; there are many who have handed this wonder down to us and to those after us, and will hand it down.

Gen 15:16 (allusion, high confidence) · Isa 1:13 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 50:12 (49:12 LXX) (allusion, medium confidence) · Isa 66:3 (allusion, high confidence) · Deut 23:18 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Sam 16:7 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Pet 3:4 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: God, who rejected Israel's unworthy offerings, rightly rejected Julian's hypocritical gift.

  • Migne's section 29 begins inside this staged passage (marked [29]).
  • “The iniquities of the Amorites”: Gen 15:16. “If you bring fine flour”: Isa 1:13. The calf and the dog: Isa 66:3. The hire of a harlot: Deut 23:18. “Not as man looks”: 1 Sam 16:7. “The hidden man”: 1 Pet 3:4.

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.28 (PG 35:556a–556c; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-28). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.30PG 35:556c–557a

Ἐπεὶ δὲ εἷς ἄνδρας προϊόντες ἤδη τῶν ἓν φιλοσοφίᾳ δογμάτων ἥψαντο (ὡς μήποτε ὤφελον Ῑ) καὶ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ λόγου προσελάμβανον δύναμιν, ἣτοῖς μὲν ἐπιεικέσιν ἀρετῆς ὅπλον, τοῖς δὲ μοχθηροτέρως κέντρον κακίας γίνεται, οὐκέτι κατέχειν ὅλην τὴν νόσον οἶός τε ἦν, οὐδὲ παντελῶς τὸν τῆς ἀσεβείας δόλον ἐν ἑαυτῷ μόνῳ φιλοσοφεῖν ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ πῦρ ἐμφωλεῦον ὕλῃ. κᾶν μήπω πρὸς φλόγα λαμπρὰν ἀρθῇ, σπινθῆρὲς τινες ἐξάπτοντες ἦ καπνὸς ἐκ βάθους imoσημαίνουσινο εἰ βοῦλει δὲ, τῶν πηγῶν αἶ σήραγγάς τινας ὑποτρέχουσαι μετά πνεύματος, εἶτʼ εὐρυχω- >ίαν οὐκ ἔχουσαι, οὐδὲ διέξοδον ἐλευθέραν, πολλαχοῦ τῆς γῆς ἀναφυσῶσι καὶ ὑπηχοῦσι κάτωθεν, ὑπὸ μὲν τῆς τοῦ πνεύματος ἀνωθούμεναι, ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς ἄνωθεν βίας κατεχόμεναί τε καὶ ἀνακοπτόμεναι ο οὕτω οιαὶ αὐτὸς τὸ μὲν πολὺ τῆς ἀσεβείας κατἔκρυπτεν ὑπὸ τοῦ καιροῦ καῖ τῆς τοῦ κρατοῦντος θʼ ΙΙΧῆἈ 1 ~ παιδαγωγίας, οῦπω γαρ τὸ qvi/5.56); ι ρ,, τ, ασεοε ιν ην ἀσφαλές· ἔστι δέ ὅποι καὶ παρεγύμνου τὸ τῆς γνώμης ἀπόρρητον τοῖς ὀξυτέρως τήν ἀσέβειαν τὴν σύνεσιν · ἓν τε τοῖς πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν λόγοις πλέον ἦ καλῶς εἶχεν, ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων διατεινόμενος προφάσει δῆθεν ὡς τὸν ἥττω γυμνάζων λόγον, τὸ δὲ ἦν ὅντως γυμνασία κατά τῆς ἀληθείας), καὶ πᾶσι χαίρων οἷς ἀσεβὴς τρόπος χαρακτηρίζεται.

Epei de heis andras proïontes ēdē tōn hen philosophią dogmatōn hēpsanto (hōs mēpote ōphelon I) kai tēn ek tou logou proselambanon dynamin, hētois men epieikesin aretēs hoplon, tois de mochthēroterōs kentron kakias ginetai, ouketi katechein holēn tēn noson oios te ēn, oude pantelōs ton tēs asebeias dolon en heautǭ monǭ philosophein allʼ hōsper pyr emphōleuon hylę̄. kan mēpō pros phloga lampran arthę̄, spinthēres tines exaptontes ē kapnos ek bathous imosēmainousino ei boulei de, tōn pēgōn ai sērangas tinas hypotrechousai meta pneumatos, eitʼ eurychō- >ian ouk echousai, oude diexodon eleutheran, pollachou tēs gēs anaphysōsi kai hypēchousi katōthen, hypo men tēs tou pneumatos anōthoumenai, hypo de tēs anōthen bias katechomenai te kai anakoptomenai o houtō oiai autos to men poly tēs asebeias katekrypten hypo tou kairou kai tēs tou kratountos thʼ IIChēA 1 ~ paidagōgias, oupō gar to qvi/5.56)? i r,, t, aseoe in ēn asphales; esti de hopoi kai paregymnou to tēs gnōmēs aporrēton tois oxyterōs tēn asebeian tēn synesin ; hen te tois pros ton adelphon logois pleon ē kalōs eichen, hyper Hellēnōn diateinomenos prophasei dēthen hōs ton hēttō gymnazōn logon, to de ēn hontōs gymnasia kata tēs alētheias), kai pasi chairōn hois asebēs tropos charaktērizetai.

When, advancing to manhood, they took up the doctrines of philosophy (would they never had!) and acquired the power that comes from reason, which becomes for the decent a weapon of virtue and for the more wicked a goad to vice, he could no longer contain the whole disease, nor keep the deceit of his impiety entirely to himself; but like fire smouldering in fuel, which, even if it has not yet risen into a bright flame, gives signs from the depth by some sparks that catch or by smoke; or, if you like, like springs that run under caverns with a draught of wind, and then, having no room and no free outlet, blow up and rumble from below in many parts of the earth, pushed up by the force of the wind and held down and checked by the weight from above: so he too hid most of his impiety because of the times and the training given by the ruler (for impiety was not yet safe), but here and there he laid bare the secret of his mind to those who were sharper at perceiving impiety; in his debates with his brother, contending more than was right on behalf of the Greeks, on the pretext, if you please, of exercising the weaker argument (but in reality it was an exercise against the truth), and delighting in everything by which an impious character is marked.

Notes and citation

Summary: As a young man Julian's hidden paganism began to show, especially in his debates with Gallus.

  • “The Greeks”: the pagan religion, as often in Gregory.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.30 (PG 35:556c–557a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-30). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.31PG 35:557b–557d

Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν μέν ἀδελφὸν ἡ φιλανθρωπία τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἀποδείκνυσι βασιλέα, καὶ μέρος οὐκ ὀλίγον ἐγχειρίζεται τῆς οἰκουμένης, τῷ δὲ ὑπῆρχε κατᾶ πολλὴν ἐξουσίαν καὶ ἄδειαν, καὶ λόγων καὶ διδασκάλων τοῖς ὁλεθριωτσὶτοις προσομιλεῖν ’ (Ἀσία δὲ ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ τῆς ἀσεβείας διδασκαλεῖον, ὅση τε περί ἀστρονομίαν καὶ τὰς γενέσεις, καὶ φαντασίαν προγνώσεως τερατεύεται, καὶ τὴν ἑπομένην τούτοις γοητικήν) ἓν ἔτι τὸ λεῖπον ἧν (li), προστε- Οῆναι τῇ ἀσεβείᾳ καὶ δύναμιν. Οὐ πολὺ τὸ ἐν μέσῳ, καὶ ταύτην δίδωσιν αὐτῷ καθʼ ἡμῶν πληθυνοεῖσα τῶν πολλῶν ἀνομία, καὶ ἡ ἐπʼ ἄκρον, ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις, Χριστιανῶν εὐεξία, τὴν ἐναντίαν ζητοῦσα μεταβολὴν, καὶ ἡ ἐξουσία καὶ ἡ τιμὴ, καὶ ὁ κόρος διʼ ὃν ὑβρίσαμεν.

Epei de ton men adelphon hē philanthrōpia tou autokratoros apodeiknysi basilea, kai meros ouk oligon encheirizetai tēs oikoumenēs, tǭ de hypērche kata pollēn exousian kai adeian, kai logōn kai didaskalōn tois holethriōtsitois prosomilein ’ (Asia de ēn autǭ to tēs asebeias didaskaleion, hosē te peri astronomian kai tas geneseis, kai phantasian prognōseōs terateuetai, kai tēn hepomenēn toutois goētikēn) hen eti to leipon hēn (li), proste- Oēnai tę̄ asebeią kai dynamin. Ou poly to en mesǭ, kai tautēn didōsin autǭ kathʼ hēmōn plēthynoeisa tōn pollōn anomia, kai hē epʼ akron, hōs an eipoi tis, Christianōn euexia, tēn enantian zētousa metabolēn, kai hē exousia kai hē timē, kai ho koros diʼ hon hybrisamen.

When the emperor’s kindness proclaimed his brother Caesar and entrusted him with no small part of the world, he himself had great licence and freedom to associate with the most pernicious arguments and teachers (Asia was his school of impiety: all the wonder-mongering about astronomy and nativities and the pretence of foreknowledge, and the sorcery that goes with them). One thing was still lacking: that power should be added to his impiety. Not long after, this too was given him, against us, by the lawlessness of the many, which had multiplied, and by the extreme well-being, as one might call it, of Christians, which sought the opposite change, and by our power and honour, and the surfeit through which we became insolent.

Notes and citation

Summary: While Gallus ruled as Caesar, Julian studied with pagan teachers in Asia; the sins of Christians then gave him power.

  • Gallus was made Caesar in 351. In Asia Julian studied with Neoplatonist teachers, notably Maximus of Ephesus.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.31 (PG 35:557b–557d; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-31). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.32PG 35:557d–561d

Τῷ ὄντι γὰρ κινδυνεύει χαλεπώτερον εἶναι τὸ κατασχεῖν τά ἀγαθά τοῦ μὴ παρόντα κτήσασθαι · καὶ ῥᾷον ἀπελθοῦσαν εὐημερίαν ἀνακαλέσασθαι διʼ ἐπιμελείας, τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν διασώσασθαι ’ ιιαι πρὸ μὶν συντριβἦς ἡγεῖται ὕορις, αἱ Παροιμῖα καλῶς φασι, πρὸ δὲ δόξης ταπείνωσις· ἢ, ’ἶνα σαφεστερον εʼίπω ὕβρει μὲν ἕπεται συντριῦἡ, ταπεινώο σει δὲ εὐδοξίαν Κύριος γὰρ ὑπερηφάνοις ἀντιτάσσεται, ταπεινοῖς δὲ δίδωσι χάριν, καὶ ἀντεισάγεο τὰ ἐναντία τοῖς ἐναντίοις 6 πάντα δικαίως ἐπιμετρῶν. Ταῦτα εἰδὼς καὶ 6 θεῖος Δαόὶδ, ἓν τι τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ τὸ συνεστάλθαι τίθεται· καὶ χάριν ὁμολογεῖ τῷ συστείλαντι, ὡς τοῦ τὰ δικαιώματα μαθεῖν ἐντεῦθεν προσγινομὲνου· καὶ, Πρὸ τοῦ με ταπεινωθῆναι, φησὶν, ἆγὼ ἰπλημμέλησα· διὰ τοῦτο τὸ λόγιόν σου ὶιρύλαξαι μέσην πλημμελείας τε καὶ διορθώσεως τιθεὶς τὴν ταπείνωσιν, ὡς ἐκ μὲν ταύτης γεννωμένην ( 4), τήν δὲ γεννήσασαν· ἀμαρτία μὲν γὰρ ταπεινώσεως μήτηρ, ἐπιστροφῆς, δὲ ταπείνωσις. Ἡμεῖς γοῦν, ὑψωθέντες, ὅτε ἦμεν ἐπιεικεῖς τε καὶ μέτριοι, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν αὐξηθέντες, ὡς εἷς τόδε τὸ σχῆμα καὶ πλῆθος σῦν χειραγωγία Θεοῦ προελθεῖν, ἡνίκα ἐλιπάνθημεν, ἐσκιρτήσαμεν· καὶ ἡνίκα ἐπλατύνθημεν, ἐστενοχωρήθημεν“ καὶ ἦν ἐν τοῖς διωγμοῖς καὶ ταῖς θλίψεσι συνελεξάμεθα δόξαν καὶ δύναμιν, ταύτην εῦ πράττοντες κατελύσαο μεν · δηλώσει δὲ τὰ ἑξῆς τοῦ λόγου. Ὃρον μὲν ἡ βασιλεία τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ 6 βίος λαμβάνει· τὰ γὰρ ἐν μὲσῳ σιωπήσομαι φειδοῖ καὶ τοῦ πεποιηκότος καὶ τοῦ πεπονθότος. ὦν ἀμερο·. η,..,η - τέρων αἰδούμενος τὴν εὐσέβειαν, οὐκ ἐπαινῶ τήν θρασύτητα. Ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἔδει τι καί ἁμαρτεῖν, ὅντας ἀνθρώπους, τοῦτό ἐστιν 6' τάχα ἂν τις ἀμφοτέρων οὐκ ἐπαινέσειεν* εἷʼ μη κάνταῦθα διʼ ὧν τοῦ ἑτέρου κατηγορήσομεν, τὸν ἕτερον αἰτίας ἀφήσομεν. Ὀ δὲ εὐθὺς μὶν κληρονόμος τῆς τοῦ ἁδελφοῦ βασιλείας, ἀλλʼ οὐκ εὐσεβείας μικρὸν δὶ ὕστερον καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος αὐτὸν γίνεται, τὸ μὲν ἐκόντος, τὸ δὶ βιασθέντος τῷ κοινῷ τέλει, καὶ ἡττηθέντος ἧτταν παντὶ τῷ κόσμῳ κακὴν καὶ ὀλιθριον. ΛΔᾭ Τί τοῦτο, ὦ θειότατε βασιλέων καὶ φιλοχριστότατε (προάγομαι γὰρ ὡς παρόντι καὶ ἀκούοντι μέμψασθαι, καὶ εἰ πολὺ κρείττονα γινώσκω τῆς ἡμετέρας μέμψεως, μετὰ Θεοῦ ’ τεταγμένον, καὶ τῆς ἐκεῖ δόξης κληρονομήσαντα, καὶ τοσοῦτι μεταχωρήσαντα, ὅσον μεταθέσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν) τίνα ταύτην ἐβουλεύσω βουλὴν, πάντων συνέσει καί ἀγχιεοίᾳ κατὰ πολὺ διαφέρων, ού τῶν ἐπὶ σοῦ βασιλέων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ; 6 τὸ βαρβαρικὸν ἀνακαθαίρων κύκλῳ, καὶ τοὺς οἶκοι τυράννους χειρούμενος, τοὺς μὶν τοῖς λόγοις, τοὺς δὲ τοῖς ὅπλοις, καὶ τούτων ἑκάτερον ὡς μηδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου διοχλούμενος · οῦ μεγάλα μὲν τρόπαια τὰ μεθʼ ὅπλων καὶ μάχης, μείζω δὲ καὶ περιφανέστερα τὰ ἀναίμακταʼ πρὸς ὅν καὶ αἱ πανταχόθεν πρεσβεῖαι καί ἱκεσίαι ᾦ τὰ μὲν ὑπήκουε, τὰ δὲ ἔμελλε· πᾶν δὶ ἦν τὸ ἐλπισθὲν ’ίσον τῷ χειρωθέντιο 6 χειρὶ Θεοῦ πρὸς πᾶσαν καὶ βουλὴν καὶ πρᾶξιν ὁδηγούμενος · οῦ μᾶλλον μὲν τῆς χειρὸς ἡ σύνεσις, μᾶλλον δὲ τῆς συνέσεως ἠ χεὶρ έθαυμάζετοʼ πλέον δὲ τῆς ἐν ἀμφοτέροις εὖδοκιμήσεως ή εὐσέβεια. ΛΕ. Πῶς οῦν ἐνταῦθα μόνον ἀμαθὴς ἐφάνης καὶ ἀπερίσκεπτοςς Τί τὸ τάχος τῆς ἀπανθρώπου φιλανθρῶπίαςς Τίς συνεισῆλθε δαιμόνων τῷ σκέμματι; Πῶς τὸν μέγαν κλῆρον καὶ τὸ πατρῷον καλλώπισμα, τοὺς ἐπωνύμους Λέγῳ Χριστοῦ, τὸ πανταχοῦ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐκλάμψαν ἐθνος, τὸ βασίλειον ἱεράτευμα, τὸ πολλῷ πόνῳ καὶ πολλοῖς ἱδρῶσι συναυξηθὶν, οὕτως ἐν ὀλίγῳ καὶ ἀκμῇ βραχείᾳ καιροῦ τῷ , κοινῷ παλαμναίῳ φέρων παρέδωκας; Λζ Ἲσως τι καὶ ἀσεβεῖν ὑμῖν, ἀδελφοὶ, φαίνομαι, καὶ ἀγνωμονεῖν έν τοῖς λόγοις τούτοις, καὶ ’ὁτι μὴ ταχὺ τοῖς τῆς κατηγορίας ῥήμασιν ἐπάγω τὰ τῆς ἀληθείας. Καίτοι γε ἱκανῶς ἀπολελόγημαι, καὶ διʼ αὐτῶν ὧν έγκέκληκα, εἷʼ τι τῇ κατηγορίᾳ τὸν νοῦν προσέχετε κάνταῦθα μόνον ἡ κατηγορία τὴν ἄφεσιν ἔχει· χρηστότητα γὰρ εἰπὼν, τὴν ἀπολογίαν ἐδήλωσα. Τίς γὰρ οὐκ οἶδε καὶ τῶν μετρίως ἐκεῖνον ἐπισταμένων, ὅτι ἓνεκα μὲν εὐσεβείας καὶ τοῦ περὶ ἡμᾶς φίλτρου, καὶ τοῦ βούλεσθαι πᾶν ἡμῖν ἀγαθὸν, μὴ ὅτι ἐκεῖνον παρεῖδεν ἂν, ἢ γένους ὅλου τιμὴν, ἢ προσθήκην τῆς βασιλείας, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς βασιλείας, καὶ πάντων τῶν ὄντων, καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτῆς, ἧς οὐδὲν οὐδενὶ τιμιώτερον, τήν ἡμετέραν ἀσφάλειάν τε καὶ σωτηρίαν οὐκ ἂν χαλεπώς ἣλλάξατο ;

Tǭ onti gar kindyneuei chalepōteron einai to kataschein ta agatha tou mē paronta ktēsasthai ; kai rhąon apelthousan euēmerian anakalesasthai diʼ epimeleias, tēn hyparchousan diasōsasthai ’ iiai pro min syntribēs hēgeitai hyoris, hai Paroimia kalōs phasi, pro de doxēs tapeinōsis; ē, ’ina saphesteron eʼipō hybrei men hepetai syntriyē, tapeinōo sei de eudoxian Kyrios gar hyperēphanois antitassetai, tapeinois de didōsi charin, kai anteisageo ta enantia tois enantiois 6 panta dikaiōs epimetrōn. Tauta eidōs kai 6 theios Daoid, hen ti tōn agathōn kai to synestalthai tithetai; kai charin homologei tǭ systeilanti, hōs tou ta dikaiōmata mathein enteuthen prosginomenou; kai, Pro tou me tapeinōthēnai, phēsin, agō iplēmmelēsa; dia touto to logion sou iirylaxai mesēn plēmmeleias te kai diorthōseōs titheis tēn tapeinōsin, hōs ek men tautēs gennōmenēn ( 4), tēn de gennēsasan; amartia men gar tapeinōseōs mētēr, epistrophēs, de tapeinōsis. Hēmeis goun, hypsōthentes, hote ēmen epieikeis te kai metrioi, kai kata mikron auxēthentes, hōs heis tode to schēma kai plēthos syn cheiragōgia Theou proelthein, hēnika elipanthēmen, eskirtēsamen; kai hēnika eplatynthēmen, estenochōrēthēmen“ kai ēn en tois diōgmois kai tais thlipsesi synelexametha doxan kai dynamin, tautēn eu prattontes katelysao men ; dēlōsei de ta hexēs tou logou. Horon men hē basileia tǭ Kaisari kai 6 bios lambanei; ta gar en mesǭ siōpēsomai pheidoi kai tou pepoiēkotos kai tou peponthotos. ōn amero;. ē,..,ē - terōn aidoumenos tēn eusebeian, ouk epainō tēn thrasytēta. Epeidē gar edei ti kai hamartein, hontas anthrōpous, touto estin 6' tacha an tis amphoterōn ouk epaineseien* heiʼ mē kantautha diʼ hōn tou heterou katēgorēsomen, ton heteron aitias aphēsomen. O de euthys min klēronomos tēs tou hadelphou basileias, allʼ ouk eusebeias mikron di hysteron kai tou basileusantos auton ginetai, to men ekontos, to di biasthentos tǭ koinǭ telei, kai hēttēthentos hēttan panti tǭ kosmǭ kakēn kai olithrion. LDǬ Ti touto, ō theiotate basileōn kai philochristotate (proagomai gar hōs paronti kai akouonti mempsasthai, kai ei poly kreittona ginōskō tēs hēmeteras mempseōs, meta Theou ’ tetagmenon, kai tēs ekei doxēs klēronomēsanta, kai tosouti metachōrēsanta, hoson metathesthai tēn basileian) tina tautēn ebouleusō boulēn, pantōn synesei kai anchieoią kata poly diapherōn, ou tōn epi sou basileōn monon, alla kai tōn emprosthen ? 6 to barbarikon anakathairōn kyklǭ, kai tous oikoi tyrannous cheiroumenos, tous min tois logois, tous de tois hoplois, kai toutōn hekateron hōs mēden hypo tou heterou diochloumenos ; ou megala men tropaia ta methʼ hoplōn kai machēs, meizō de kai periphanestera ta anaimaktaʼ pros hon kai hai pantachothen presbeiai kai hikesiai ǭ ta men hypēkoue, ta de emelle; pan di ēn to elpisthen ’ison tǭ cheirōthentio 6 cheiri Theou pros pasan kai boulēn kai praxin hodēgoumenos ; ou mallon men tēs cheiros hē synesis, mallon de tēs syneseōs ē cheir ethaumazetoʼ pleon de tēs en amphoterois eudokimēseōs ē eusebeia. LE. Pōs oun entautha monon amathēs ephanēs kai aperiskeptoss Ti to tachos tēs apanthrōpou philanthrōpiass Tis syneisēlthe daimonōn tǭ skemmati? Pōs ton megan klēron kai to patrǭon kallōpisma, tous epōnymous Legǭ Christou, to pantachou tēs oikoumenēs eklampsan ethnos, to basileion hierateuma, to pollǭ ponǭ kai pollois hidrōsi synauxēthin, houtōs en oligǭ kai akmę̄ bracheią kairou tǭ , koinǭ palamnaiǭ pherōn paredōkas? Lz Isōs ti kai asebein hymin, adelphoi, phainomai, kai agnōmonein en tois logois toutois, kai ’hoti mē tachy tois tēs katēgorias rhēmasin epagō ta tēs alētheias. Kaitoi ge hikanōs apolelogēmai, kai diʼ autōn hōn enkeklēka, heiʼ ti tę̄ katēgorią ton noun prosechete kantautha monon hē katēgoria tēn aphesin echei; chrēstotēta gar eipōn, tēn apologian edēlōsa. Tis gar ouk oide kai tōn metriōs ekeinon epistamenōn, hoti heneka men eusebeias kai tou peri hēmas philtrou, kai tou boulesthai pan hēmin agathon, mē hoti ekeinon pareiden an, ē genous holou timēn, ē prosthēkēn tēs basileias, alla kai autēs tēs basileias, kai pantōn tōn ontōn, kai tēs psychēs autēs, hēs ouden oudeni timiōteron, tēn hēmeteran asphaleian te kai sōtērian ouk an chalepōs hēllaxato ?

[32] For in truth it is perhaps harder to keep good things than to acquire them when they are lacking, and easier to recall by diligence a prosperity that has gone than to preserve it while it lasts. “Before destruction goes pride,” as the Proverbs well say, “and before glory humility”; or, to say it more clearly, destruction follows pride, and good repute humility. For “the Lord resists the proud but gives grace to the humble,” and brings opposites in exchange for opposites, measuring out all things justly. Knowing this, the divine David counts being humbled among the good things, and gives thanks to the one who humbled him, since from this he came to learn the ordinances; and “Before I was humbled,” he says, “I went astray; therefore I kept your word,” setting humiliation between going astray and correction, as born from the one and giving birth to the other: for sin is the mother of humiliation, and humiliation of conversion. We, then, who were exalted when we were decent and moderate, and grew little by little so as to advance, under God’s guidance, to our present state and numbers, when we grew fat, we kicked; when we were enlarged, we were straitened; and the glory and power that we gathered in persecutions and afflictions we destroyed in prosperity; the rest of the discourse will show it. [33] The Caesar’s reign and life come to an end; I shall keep silent about what lay between, sparing both the doer and the sufferer; respecting the piety of both, I do not praise their rashness. Since, being men, they had to err in something, this is what one might perhaps not praise in either of them; unless here too, by the very things for which we shall accuse the one, we shall free the other from blame. And he at once becomes heir of his brother’s rule, though not of his piety, and a little later also of the one who had made him emperor: the first willingly, the second forced by the common end, and defeated with a defeat evil and ruinous for the whole world. [34] What was this, most divine and most Christ-loving of emperors? (For I am led to blame you as though you were present and listening, even though I know that you are far above our blame, ranked with God, having inherited the glory there, and having moved so far as to have exchanged your kingdom.) What counsel was this that you took, you who far surpassed all in understanding and shrewdness, not only the emperors of your own time but those before; who cleared away the barbarians on every side, and subdued the tyrants at home, some by words, some by arms, and each so as not to be hindered at all by the other; whose trophies won by arms and battle were great, but those won without bloodshed greater and more glorious; to whom came embassies and supplications from every side; to whom some things were already subject and others about to be, and all that was hoped for was equal to what was conquered; who was guided by the hand of God in every counsel and deed; whose understanding was admired more than his hand, and his hand more than his understanding, and more than his renown in both, his piety? [35] How then did you appear ignorant and inconsiderate here alone? What was the haste of this inhuman kindness? Which of the demons entered into the deliberation? How did you take the great inheritance and the ancestral ornament (I mean those named after Christ, the nation that has shone out everywhere in the world, the royal priesthood, increased by much toil and many sweats), and in so short a time, in a brief moment, hand it over to the common murderer? [36] Perhaps I seem to you, brothers, to be impious and ungrateful in these words, and because I do not quickly add the words of truth to those of accusation. And yet I have made a sufficient defence through the very things I have charged, if you pay attention to the accusation: here alone the accusation carries acquittal, for in saying “kindness” I declared the defence. For who of those who know him even moderately does not know that for the sake of piety and his love for us, and his wish for every good thing for us, he would have overlooked not only that man, or the honour of a whole family, or an addition to the empire, but the empire itself, and all that exists, and his very soul, than which nothing is more precious to anyone, and would readily have given them in exchange for our safety and salvation?

Prov 16:18 (quotation, high confidence) · Prov 18:12 (quotation, high confidence) · Jas 4:6 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 Pet 5:5 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 119:71 (118:71 LXX) (allusion, high confidence) · Ps 119:67 (118:67 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Deut 32:15 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Pet 2:9 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Christians lost through prosperity what they had won in persecution; Gregory reproaches the dead Constantius for raising Julian, yet excuses him as acting from kindness.

  • This staged passage holds Migne's sections 32–36 (marked [33]–[36]).
  • “The doer and the sufferer”: Constantius had Gallus executed in 354. Constantius died in 361, leaving Julian sole emperor.
  • Gregory's praise of Constantius is rhetorical; elsewhere he and others criticize Constantius's church policy, which favoured bishops opposed to the Nicene creed.
  • “Before destruction goes pride”: Prov 16:18; 18:12. “The Lord resists the proud”: Jas 4:6; 1 Pet 5:5. “Before I was humbled”: Ps 119:67 (LXX 118:67). “When we grew fat, we kicked”: Deut 32:15. “The royal priesthood”: 1 Pet 2:9.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.32 (PG 35:557d–561d; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-32). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-gregory-nazianzen-orationes-4-32) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.37PG 35:564a

Οὐδενὶ γὰρ οὐδενὸς οὕτω πώποτε πράγματος ἔρως θερμὸς ἐνέσκηψεν, ὡς ἐκείνῳ Χριστιανοὺς αὖ· ξηθῆναι, καὶ εἷς πλεῖστον καὶ δόξης προελθεῖν ni. δυνάμεως· καὶ οὕτε ἔθνη χειρούμεναι, οὕτε τὸ κοινὸν εὐνομοῦμενον, οὐ πλῆθος χρημάτων, οὐ δόξης περιουσία, οὐ τὸ βασιλέα βασιλέων καὶ εἶναι καὶ ὀνομάζεσθαι, οὐχ ὅσοις ἄλλοις ἀνθρώπων εὐδαιμονία γνωρίζεται. οὐδὲν οὕτω τῶν πάντων ἐκεῖνον ηῦφραινεν, ὡς τὸ διʼ ἑαυτοῦ μὲν ἡμᾶς, διὰ δὲ ἡμῶν ἐκεῖνον, καὶ παρᾶ Θεῴ καὶ ἀνθρώποις εὐδοκιμεῖν, καὶ ἀκατάλυτον ἡμῖν εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα γρόνον παραμεῖναι τήν δυναστείανο καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐκεῖνο ᾔδει σαφῶς, ὑψηλότερόν τε καὶ βασιλικώτερον κατὰ τοὺς πολλοὺς περὶ τούτων διανοούμενος, ὅτί τοῖς Χριστιανῶν πράγμασι τὰ Ῥωμαίων συνηύξησε, καὶ συνεισῆλθε τῇ ἐπιδημίᾳ Χριστοῦ τὸ κράτος, οῦπω πρότερον τελείως εἱς μοναρχίαν νενικηκός· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πλέον ἐδόκει μοι περιίπειν εὗ ποιῶν τὰ ἡμέτερα· ὃς γε, καὶ ίί τι παρελύπησεν ἡμᾶς, οὐ περιφρονῶν, οὐδὲ ὑβρίζων, οὐδὲ ἄλλοις τισὶ πρὸ ἡμῶν χαριζόμενος, ἀλλʼ ὥστε πάντας ἕν εἶναι, καὶ συμφρονεῖν παρελόπησε, καὶ μὴ διακεκόφθαι, μηδὲ διεστάναι τοῖς σχίσμασιν. ’ AH'. Ἀλλʼ ὅπερ εἶπον, ἀφύλακτον ἡ ἁπλότης, καὶ μετὰ τοῦ σαθροῦ τὸ φιλάνθρωπον, καὶ ἣκιστα κακίαν ὑφορᾶται τὸ κακίας ἐλεύθερον· διὰ τοῦτο ἠκριοήθη τὸ μὲλλον, καὶ τὸ πλάσμα οὐκ Equoραθη, καὶ παρεισῆλθε κατὰ μικρὸν ἡ ἀσέβεια, καὶ 3'30 χρηστότητες συνεισῆλθον ἀλλήλαις, ἣ τε περὶ τὸ εὐσεβὲς γένος καί τόν ἀσεβέστατον πάντων καὶ ἆθεώτατον. Ὅς, τί μεμφόμενος Χριστιανοῖς, τί δὲ οὐκ ἐπαινεῖν ἔχων τῶν ἡμετέρων, τί δὲ τῶν νομίσας, καὶ παρʼ Ἕλλησι δογμάτων ὑπερφυὲς δυσκίνητον λόγῳ, ποίῳ δὲ καὶ ἀκολουθῶν ὑποδείγματι, γνωριμώτατον ἒαυτὸν ἐξ ἀσεβείας κατέστησε, καὶ καινότερον τρόπον ἡμιλλήθη τῷ ἀναδείξαντι ; Ἐπειδτί γε ὑπερβάλλειν οὐκ ἦν ἀρετῇ καὶ τοῖς κρείττοσι, διὰ τοῦ ἐναντίου φανῆναι φιλονεικήσας τῆς εἰς δυσσέβειαν ἀμετρίας. καὶ τῆς περὶ τὸ χεῖρον φιλοτιμίας. Ἡ μὶν οὖν ὑπὲρ Χριστιανῶν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, καὶ πρὸς Χριστιανοὺς ἀπολογία τοιαύτη, καὶ οὕτω δικαία τοῖς γε νοῦν ἔχουσιν.

Oudeni gar oudenos houtō pōpote pragmatos erōs thermos eneskēpsen, hōs ekeinǭ Christianous au; xēthēnai, kai heis pleiston kai doxēs proelthein ni. dynameōs; kai houte ethnē cheiroumenai, houte to koinon eunomoumenon, ou plēthos chrēmatōn, ou doxēs periousia, ou to basilea basileōn kai einai kai onomazesthai, ouch hosois allois anthrōpōn eudaimonia gnōrizetai. ouden houtō tōn pantōn ekeinon ēuphrainen, hōs to diʼ heautou men hēmas, dia de hēmōn ekeinon, kai para Theǭ kai anthrōpois eudokimein, kai akatalyton hēmin eis ton hapanta gronon parameinai tēn dynasteiano kai gar pros tois allois ekeino ę̄dei saphōs, hypsēloteron te kai basilikōteron kata tous pollous peri toutōn dianooumenos, hoti tois Christianōn pragmasi ta Rhōmaiōn synēuxēse, kai syneisēlthe tę̄ epidēmią Christou to kratos, oupō proteron teleiōs heis monarchian nenikēkos; kai dia touto pleon edokei moi periipein heu poiōn ta hēmetera; hos ge, kai ii ti parelypēsen hēmas, ou periphronōn, oude hybrizōn, oude allois tisi pro hēmōn charizomenos, allʼ hōste pantas hen einai, kai symphronein parelopēse, kai mē diakekophthai, mēde diestanai tois schismasin. ’ AH'. Allʼ hoper eipon, aphylakton hē haplotēs, kai meta tou sathrou to philanthrōpon, kai hēkista kakian hyphoratai to kakias eleutheron; dia touto ēkrioēthē to mellon, kai to plasma ouk Equorathē, kai pareisēlthe kata mikron hē asebeia, kai 3'30 chrēstotētes syneisēlthon allēlais, hē te peri to eusebes genos kai ton asebestaton pantōn kai atheōtaton. Hos, ti memphomenos Christianois, ti de ouk epainein echōn tōn hēmeterōn, ti de tōn nomisas, kai parʼ Hellēsi dogmatōn hyperphyes dyskinēton logǭ, poiǭ de kai akolouthōn hypodeigmati, gnōrimōtaton eauton ex asebeias katestēse, kai kainoteron tropon hēmillēthē tǭ anadeixanti ? Epeidti ge hyperballein ouk ēn aretę̄ kai tois kreittosi, dia tou enantiou phanēnai philoneikēsas tēs eis dyssebeian ametrias. kai tēs peri to cheiron philotimias. Hē min oun hyper Christianōn tou andros, kai pros Christianous apologia toiautē, kai houtō dikaia tois ge noun echousin.

[37] For never did a hot love of anything strike anyone as that man’s longing that Christians should grow and advance to the height of glory and power; and neither the subduing of nations, nor the good order of the commonwealth, nor abundance of money, nor surplus of glory, nor being and being called king of kings, nor anything else by which human happiness is recognized, nothing of all these so gladdened him as that we through him, and he through us, should be in good repute with God and men, and that our power should remain indissoluble for all time. For besides the rest he knew this clearly, since he thought about these things more loftily and royally than most: that the Roman state grew together with Christian affairs, and that its sovereignty came in together with the coming of Christ, never before having fully achieved monarchy; and for this reason, it seemed to me, he was the more eager to do good to our affairs. And if he grieved us at all, it was not through contempt or insult, nor by favouring others before us; but he grieved us so that all might be one and of one mind, and not cut up and divided by schisms. [38] But, as I said, simplicity is unguarded, and kindness goes along with what is unsound, and what is free from vice is least suspicious of vice. For this reason the future was not seen precisely, and the pretence was not detected, and impiety crept in little by little, and two kindnesses came in together: the one toward the pious race and the one toward the most impious and godless of all men. He (finding what fault with Christians? What of ours unable to praise? Thinking what of the doctrines of the Greeks extraordinary and hard to refute by argument? Following what example?) made himself most notorious for impiety, and rivalled in a novel way the one who had raised him up: since it was not possible to surpass him in virtue and in better things, he strove to make himself conspicuous by the opposite, by excess of impiety and ambition for the worse. Such, then, is the defence of the man on behalf of Christians and before Christians, and so just, at least to those who have sense.

Notes and citation

Summary: Constantius loved the Christians and sought their unity; his kindness was abused by Julian, who outdid him only in impiety.

  • Migne's section 38 begins inside this staged passage (marked [38]).
  • “If he grieved us… so that all might be one”: Gregory's allusion to Constantius's efforts to impose a common creed on the churches; Gregory presents them charitably here.

Topics: Persecution, Heresy

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.37 (PG 35:564a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-37). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.39PG 35:565a–568c

Ἐπεὶ δέ εἶʼσὶ τινες, οἳ, κᾶν ταύτης ἡμᾶς ἀπολύσωσι τῆς αἰτίας, ἑτέρας οὐκ ἀφιέντες, ἀλλὰ κατηγοροῦντες εὐήθειαν, ὅτι τῷ δυσμενεστάτῳ xui πολεμιωτάτῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐνεχείρισε, καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἰχθρὸν πρότερον, εἶτα ἰσχυρὸν κατεσκεύασε, τήν μὲν ἔχθραν διὰ τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σφαγῆς προκαταβαλὸμενος, τὴν δὲ δύναμιν διὰ τῆς βασιλείας προσθείς· ἀναγκαῖον καὶ περὶ τούτου βραχέα διεξελθεῖν καὶ δεῖξαι μὴ παντάπασιν ἄλογον τὸ φιλάνθρωπον, μηδὲ ἔξω τῆς βασιλικῆς μεγαλονοίας καὶ προμηθείας· καὶ γὰρ ἂν αἰσχυνοίμην, εἰ, τοιαύςης παρʼ αὐτοῦ τυχόντες τιμῆς, καὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτὸν εὐσεβείᾳ διαφὲρειν πεπιστευκότες, μὴ τὰ δίκαια συνηγορ-ιξσαιμεν ’ὀ καὶ τοῖς μηδὲν εὐεργετηκόσιν ὀφείλεται παρʼ ἡμῶν, τῶν Λόγου καὶ Ἀληθείας θεραπευτῶνσ xui ταῦτα μετὰ τήν ἐντεῦθεν ἀπαλλαγὴν, ἡνίκα καί τὸ κολακεύειν δοκεῖν ἐκπεφεύγαμεν, καὶ πονηρᾶς ἐλεύθερος ὑπονοίας 6 λόγος. τί ποτʼ ἄν ein παρʼ ἐκεῖνον ὁ πιστευθείς ; Καὶ εἰτὸ μή προϊδέσθαι τὸν τρόπον ὑπαίτιον, αὐτήν γε τὴν κακίαν ποῦ θήσομεν ; Ἀλλʼ ὄντως ἀσυλλόγιστόν τι πρᾶγμα ἡ πονηρίαʼ καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ᾧ τοὺς μοχθηροὺς ἄν τις βελτίους ποιήσειεν· ὁπότε κάκεῖνος ἐξ ὧν εὐνούστερος φανῆναι δίκαιος ἦν, καὶ εἶʼ τι κακίας εἶχεν ἐμπῦρευμα τοῦτʼ ἀνελεῖν, ἐκ τούτων εἰς μεῖζον ἀνήφθη μῖσος, καὶ ὅπως ἂν ἀμύνηται τὸν εὐεργέτην ἐσκόπει. Ml". Ταῦτα Πλάτωνες αὐτὸν, καὶ Χρύσιπποι, καὶ ὀ λαμπρὸς ΙΙερίπατος καὶ ἡ σεμνὴ Στοὰ, καὶ οἱ τὰ κομψὰ λαρυγγίζοντες ἐξεπαίδευσαν · ταῦτα ἠ τῆς γεωμετρίας ἰσότης, καὶ οἳ περὶ δικαιοσύνης λόγοι, καί τὸ χρῆναι ἀδικεῖσθαι μῖιλλον αἱρεῖσθαι ἧάδικεῖν· ταῦτα οἱ γενναῖοι διδάσκαλοι, καὶτῆς βασιλείας συναγωνισταί τε καὶ νομοθέται, οὓς ἐκ τῶν τριόδων καὶ τῶν βαράθρων ἐαυτῷ συνελέξατο· ὧν οὐ τὸν τρόπον ἐπῄνεσεν, ἀλλὰ την εὐγλωττίαν ἐθαῦμασεʼ καὶ οὐδὲ ταύτην ἴσως, ἀλλὰ ἀσέβειαν μόνην, ὡς σύμβουλον ἱκανὴν καὶ τῶν πρακτέων καὶ μὴ, διδάσκαλον.

Epei de eiʼsi tines, hoi, kan tautēs hēmas apolysōsi tēs aitias, heteras ouk aphientes, alla katēgorountes euētheian, hoti tǭ dysmenestatǭ xui polemiōtatǭ tēn archēn enecheirise, kai ton auton ichthron proteron, eita ischyron kateskeuase, tēn men echthran dia tēs tou adelphou sphagēs prokatabalomenos, tēn de dynamin dia tēs basileias prostheis; anankaion kai peri toutou brachea diexelthein kai deixai mē pantapasin alogon to philanthrōpon, mēde exō tēs basilikēs megalonoias kai promētheias; kai gar an aischynoimēn, ei, toiausēs parʼ autou tychontes timēs, kai tosouton auton eusebeią diapherein pepisteukotes, mē ta dikaia synēgor-ixsaimen ’o kai tois mēden euergetēkosin opheiletai parʼ hēmōn, tōn Logou kai Alētheias therapeutōns xui tauta meta tēn enteuthen apallagēn, hēnika kai to kolakeuein dokein ekpepheugamen, kai ponēras eleutheros hyponoias 6 logos. ti potʼ an ein parʼ ekeinon ho pisteutheis ? Kai eito mē proïdesthai ton tropon hypaition, autēn ge tēn kakian pou thēsomen ? Allʼ ontōs asyllogiston ti pragma hē ponēriaʼ kai ouk estin hǭ tous mochthērous an tis beltious poiēseien; hopote kakeinos ex hōn eunousteros phanēnai dikaios ēn, kai eiʼ ti kakias eichen empyreuma toutʼ anelein, ek toutōn eis meizon anēphthē misos, kai hopōs an amynētai ton euergetēn eskopei. Ml". Tauta Platōnes auton, kai Chrysippoi, kai o lampros IIeripatos kai hē semnē Stoa, kai hoi ta kompsa laryngizontes exepaideusan ; tauta ē tēs geōmetrias isotēs, kai hoi peri dikaiosynēs logoi, kai to chrēnai adikeisthai miillon haireisthai hēadikein; tauta hoi gennaioi didaskaloi, kaitēs basileias synagōnistai te kai nomothetai, hous ek tōn triodōn kai tōn barathrōn eautǭ synelexato; hōn ou ton tropon epę̄nesen, alla tēn euglōttian ethaumaseʼ kai oude tautēn isōs, alla asebeian monēn, hōs symboulon hikanēn kai tōn prakteōn kai mē, didaskalon.

[39] But there are some who, even if they acquit us of this charge, do not let go of others, but accuse him of simplicity, because he handed the rule to his most hostile and inimical enemy, and made the same man first an enemy and then strong, laying the ground for his enmity by the slaughter of his brother and adding power to it through the empire. I must therefore also go briefly through this, and show that his kindness was not wholly unreasonable, nor outside imperial magnanimity and foresight; for I should be ashamed if, having received such honour from him and being convinced that he so excelled in piety, we did not plead his just cause, which we owe even to those who have done us no good, we who are servants of the Word and of the Truth; and this after his departure from here, when we have escaped the appearance of flattery, and our word is free from evil suspicion. … what could the one entrusted with it have been to that man? And if not to have foreseen his character is blameworthy, where shall we place the vice itself? But truly wickedness is a thing beyond reckoning, and there is nothing by which one could make the wicked better; since he too, from the very things by which he ought to have shown himself better disposed and to have removed any spark of malice he had, was kindled to greater hatred and considered how to retaliate against his benefactor. These things he was taught by Platos and Chrysippuses, and the brilliant Peripatos, and the august Stoa, and those who warble elegant phrases; these things by the equality of geometry, and the discourses on justice, and the doctrine that one should choose to be wronged rather than to do wrong; these things by his noble teachers, the fellow champions and lawgivers of his reign, whom he gathered to himself from the crossroads and the pits; whose character he did not praise, but whose eloquence he admired; or perhaps not even this, but only their impiety, as a sufficient counsellor and teacher of what to do and what not to do.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Notes and citation

Summary: Gregory begins to defend Constantius against the charge of folly; Julian's ingratitude was learned from his philosophers.

  • Lines are lost in the scan after “free from evil suspicion” (…), covering most of Migne's sections 40–42; the passage resumes near the end of 42 and continues into 43, whose numeral is unreadable.
  • “To be wronged rather than to do wrong”: Plato, Gorgias 469c; “geometrical equality”: Gorgias 508a.

Extrabiblical texts: Plato, Gorg. 469c (Plato (works); allusion); Chrysippus (Chrysippus; echo)

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.39 (PG 35:565a–568c; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-39). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.44PG 35:568c–569b

Πῶς δὲ οὐ Θαυμάζειν ἀξιον τουτους, οἳ καὶ λόγῳ πλάττουσι πόλεις, τὰς ἔργῳ συστῆναι μή δυναμένας, καὶ τὰς σεμνὰς τυραννίδας μονονοὺ προσκυνοῦσι, καὶ τὸν ὀβολὸν ὑπὲρ τοὺς θεοὺς ἄγουσι μετὰ τῆς ὀφρύος καὶ οἱ μὶν οὐδέ εἶναι Θεὸν τὸ παράπαν, οἱ δὲ οὐ προνοεῖν τῶν τῇδε δογματίζουσιν, ἀλλʼ εἰκῆ καὶ ὡς ἔτυχε τὸ πᾶν φέρεσθαι, οἱ δὲ ἀστράσιν ἄγεσθαι καὶ σχηματισμοῖς ἀνάγκης, οὐκ οἶδʼ ὑπὸ τίνος ἀγομένοις καὶ ὅθεν. οἱ δὲ εἲς ἠδονὴν τὸ πᾶν φέρειν, καὶ τοῦτο εἶναι πέρας ζωῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ὑπολαμβάνουσιν; Ἠ ἀρετή δὲ αὐτοῖς ἄλλως ὄνομα εὐπρεπὲς, καὶ οὐδὲν τοῦ παρόντος βίου μακρότερον, οὐδὲ τις ἐξέτασις τῶν ἐνταόθα βεβιωμένων ὕστερον τὴν ἀδικίαν συστέλλουσα.Ἣ γὰρ οὐ συνεῖδε τις ταῦτα τῶν παρʼ ἐκείνοις σοφῶν, ἀλλὰ βαθεῖ βορβόρῳ, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, καὶ ἀφεγεῖ ζόιρῳ πλανης καὶ ἀγνοίας συνεκαὶύιρθη, μηδʼ ὅσον προσβλέψαι ταῖς τῆς ἀληθείας αὐγαῖς καθαρθεὶς τὴν διάνοιαν, ἀλλὰ περί τὰ κάτω καὶ τὴν αἴσθησιν ἰλυσπώμενος, καὶ μηδὲν ὑπὲρ τοὺς δαίμονας φαντασθῆναι δυνηθεὶς, καὶ διαρθῆναι τοῦ πεποιηκότος ἀξίως ’ ἢ εἷʼ τις διέβλεψε καὶ μικρὸν, ὡς ὁδηγῷ λόγῳ, καὶ μὴ Θεῷ χρώμενος, ὑπὸ τοῦ πιθανωτέρου παρεσύρη, καὶ τοῦ μᾶλλον τοὺς πολλοὺς ἕλκοντος διʼ ἐγγύτητα.

Pōs de ou Thaumazein axion toutous, hoi kai logǭ plattousi poleis, tas ergǭ systēnai mē dynamenas, kai tas semnas tyrannidas mononou proskynousi, kai ton obolon hyper tous theous agousi meta tēs ophryos kai hoi min oude einai Theon to parapan, hoi de ou pronoein tōn tę̄de dogmatizousin, allʼ eikē kai hōs etyche to pan pheresthai, hoi de astrasin agesthai kai schēmatismois anankēs, ouk oidʼ hypo tinos agomenois kai hothen. hoi de eis ēdonēn to pan pherein, kai touto einai peras zōēs anthrōpinēs hypolambanousin? Ē aretē de autois allōs onoma euprepes, kai ouden tou parontos biou makroteron, oude tis exetasis tōn entaotha bebiōmenōn hysteron tēn adikian systellousa.Hē gar ou syneide tis tauta tōn parʼ ekeinois sophōn, alla bathei borborǭ, to dē legomenon, kai aphegei zoirǭ planēs kai agnoias synekaiuirthē, mēdʼ hoson prosblepsai tais tēs alētheias augais kathartheis tēn dianoian, alla peri ta katō kai tēn aisthēsin ilyspōmenos, kai mēden hyper tous daimonas phantasthēnai dynētheis, kai diarthēnai tou pepoiēkotos axiōs ’ ē heiʼ tis dieblepse kai mikron, hōs hodēgǭ logǭ, kai mē Theǭ chrōmenos, hypo tou pithanōterou paresyrē, kai tou mallon tous pollous helkontos diʼ engytēta.

And how are these men not worthy of wonder, who fashion in words cities that cannot be established in fact, and all but worship august tyrannies, and with lofty brows set the obol above the gods; some of whom teach that there is no God at all, others that he takes no thought for things here, but that everything is borne along at random and by chance, others that things are led by the stars and the configurations of necessity, though led I know not by whom or whence, others that everything tends to pleasure and that this is the end of human life? Virtue is to them merely a fair-seeming name, reaching no further than the present life, nor is there any later examination of the things lived here to restrain injustice. For either none of their wise men saw these things, but was enveloped in deep mire, as the saying goes, and in the lightless darkness of error and ignorance, not cleansed in mind even enough to look at the rays of the truth, but wallowing in things below and in sensation, unable to imagine anything beyond the demons or to be lifted up as befits the Maker; or, if anyone saw through a little, using reason and not God as his guide, he was swept away by what was more plausible and by what draws the many because it is near at hand.

Notes and citation

Summary: Gregory mocks the Greek philosophers for their ideal cities, their atheism, Epicureanism, and fatalism, and their lack of any judgment after death.

  • The cities “in words”: Plato's Republic (592b). The other views are those of atheists, the Epicureans (no providence, pleasure as the end), and astrological fatalists.

Extrabiblical texts: Plato, Resp. 592b (Plato (works); allusion); Epicurus (Epicurus (sayings and fragments); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.44 (PG 35:568c–569b; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-44). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.45PG 35:569b–572a

Τί οὖν θαυμαστὸν τὸν ἐκ τοιούτων μὲν ὁρμώμενον δογμάτων, ὑπὸ τοιούτων δὲ κυβερνητῶν εὐ· θυνόμενον, οὕτω καὶ τῷ πεπιστευκότι φανῆναι κακὸν τὸν πιστευθέντα, καὶ τῷ τιμήσαντι τὸν τιμηθέντα; Εἰ γὰρ δεῖ τι καὶ διὰ τῆς κατηγορίας ἀπολογήσασθαι, οὐ μοι δοκεῖ τοσοῦτον ὑπεραλγῶν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, δν γε καὶ πολέμιον ἐκ τῆς θρησκείας ἐγίνωσκεν, ὅσον τὰ Χριστιανων οὐ φέρων αὐξανόμενα, καὶ λυσσῶν κατά τῆς εὐσεβείας, τοῖς καθεστηκόσιν ἐπιτολμᾷν, καὶ ζητεῖν ἐλευθερίαν τῇ ἀπονοίᾳ· χρῆναι γὰρ φιλοσοφίαν καὶ βασιλείαν, ὡς ὁ ἐκείνων λόγος, εἷς ταυτὸ συνελθεῖν · οὐκ ’ίνα παύσωνται κακῶν αἱ πόλεις, ἀλλʼ ἵνα πλησθῶσι. Μζ Καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτῷ τῆς αὐθαδείας καὶ ἀπονοίας ἑαυτὸν ἀναδῆσαι, καὶ τῇ μεγάλῃ προσηγορίᾳ τιμῆσαι οὐχ ἅρπαγμα τύχης, ἀλλʼ ἀρετῆς ἆθλον ἢ χρόνος ἦ ψῆφος βασιλέως χαρίζεται, ἢ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς, ὡς τὸ παλαιὸν, κρίσις), καὶ οὐ ποιεῖται τοῦ μέτρου τῆς τιμῆς κύριον τὸν τῆς βασιλείας· δεύτερον δὲ (καὶ γὰρ ἀναγκαίαν ἑαυτῷ τὴν ἀπόνοιαν ἐκ τῶν ἤδη τετολμημένων ᾔδει πεποιηκὼς), τί διανοεῖται; καὶ ποῖ πρόεισιν ἀσεβειας τε καὶ θρασύτητος; Ὦ τῆς μανι.ἰδους ἐκείνης ψυχῆςῑἘπ αὐτὸν ἐκστρατεύει, καὶ ὶʼἑῆς δύσεως ἀπανπροφάσει μὶν, ὡς ἀπολογησόμεʼ νος ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαδήματος· ἔτι γὰρ ἐδόκει κρύπτειν ἑαυτοῦ τήν ἀπόνοιαν· τὸ δέ ἀληθές, ὡς μεταστήσων εἷς ἑαυτὸν ’ἁπαν τὸ κράτος, καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀγνωμοο σόνης Θαυμασθτβόμενος· καὶ οὐκ ἐψεύσθη γε τῆς ἐλπίδος.

Ti oun thaumaston ton ek toioutōn men hormōmenon dogmatōn, hypo toioutōn de kybernētōn eu; thynomenon, houtō kai tǭ pepisteukoti phanēnai kakon ton pisteuthenta, kai tǭ timēsanti ton timēthenta? Ei gar dei ti kai dia tēs katēgorias apologēsasthai, ou moi dokei tosouton hyperalgōn tou adelphou, dn ge kai polemion ek tēs thrēskeias eginōsken, hoson ta Christianōn ou pherōn auxanomena, kai lyssōn kata tēs eusebeias, tois kathestēkosin epitolmąn, kai zētein eleutherian tę̄ aponoią; chrēnai gar philosophian kai basileian, hōs ho ekeinōn logos, heis tauto synelthein ; ouk ’ina pausōntai kakōn hai poleis, allʼ hina plēsthōsi. Mz Kai to men prōton autǭ tēs authadeias kai aponoias heauton anadēsai, kai tę̄ megalę̄ prosēgorią timēsai ouch harpagma tychēs, allʼ aretēs athlon ē chronos ē psēphos basileōs charizetai, ē tēs synklētou boulēs, hōs to palaion, krisis), kai ou poieitai tou metrou tēs timēs kyrion ton tēs basileias; deuteron de (kai gar anankaian heautǭ tēn aponoian ek tōn ēdē tetolmēmenōn ę̄dei pepoiēkōs), ti dianoeitai? kai poi proeisin asebeias te kai thrasytētos? Ō tēs mani.idous ekeinēs psychēsiEp auton ekstrateuei, kai iʼheēs dyseōs apanprophasei min, hōs apologēsomeʼ nos hyper tou diadēmatos; eti gar edokei kryptein heautou tēn aponoian; to de alēthes, hōs metastēsōn heis heauton ’hapan to kratos, kai dia tēs agnōmoo sonēs Thaumasthtbomenos; kai ouk epseusthē ge tēs elpidos.

[45] What wonder, then, that one who started from such doctrines and was steered by such pilots should have proved so wicked, the one entrusted toward the one who entrusted him, the one honoured toward the one who honoured him? For if I must make some defence through accusation, it seems to me that he was not so much grieving over his brother (whom he knew to be his enemy because of religion) as unable to bear the growth of Christian affairs, and raging against piety, so that he dared to attack the established order and sought freedom for his madness; for philosophy and kingship, as their saying goes, must come together, not so that cities may cease from evils, but so that they may be filled with them. [46] And the first act of his arrogance and madness was to crown himself and to honour himself with the great title (which is not a prize to be snatched by fortune but a reward of virtue, granted by time, or by the emperor’s vote, or, as of old, by the judgment of the senate), and not to make the lord of the empire master of the measure of honour. And second (for he knew that by what he had already dared he had made his madness necessary for himself), what does he plan? To what lengths of impiety and rashness does he go? O that frenzied soul! He marches against him himself, and sets out from the West, on the pretext of making a defence concerning the diadem (for he still seemed to hide his madness), but in truth to transfer all power to himself and to be admired for his ingratitude; and he was not disappointed of his hope.

Notes and citation

Summary: Julian, schooled in such philosophy, had himself proclaimed emperor and marched against Constantius.

  • Migne's section 46 begins inside this staged passage (marked [46]).
  • “Philosophy and kingship must come together”: Plato, Republic 473d. Julian was proclaimed Augustus by his troops at Paris in 360.

Extrabiblical texts: Plato, Resp. 473d (Plato (works); allusion)

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.45 (PG 35:569b–572a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-45). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.47PG 35:572a

Μὴ Θαυμαζέτωσαν οἱ τῶν τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγων ὑφʼ ὦν τὸ πᾶν φέρεται, τὸ ἀτέκμαρτον μή ἐπιστάμενοι βάθος, καὶ μὴ παραχωροῦντες τῷ τεχνίτῃ τῆς κυβερνήσεως, ἡμῶν γε πάντως συνετωτέρῳ. καὶ ἄγοντι τὸ οἰκεῖον ὅπη καὶ ’ὁπως βούλεται · πάντως δὲ πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον καὶ τὴν ἰατρείαν, κᾶν οἱ θεραπευόμενοι δυσχεραίνωσιν ὑφʼ ὧν λόγων κάκεῖνος οὐκ ιπήρθη μέν εἰς τήν κακίαν· ἀναίτιον γὰρ παντάπασι κακῶν τὸ Θεῖον, ἀγαθὸν, τῇ φύσει τυγχάνον, καὶ τοῦ προελομένου τὰ τῆς κακίας οὐ μὴν ἐπεσχέθη γε τῆς ὁρμῆς · ἀλλᾶ τάχει πολλῷ τήν τε οἰκείαν, καὶ τῆς βαρβαρικῆς ὄχθης ἔστιν ἧν διαδραμὼν, καὶ τῷ λαθεῖν μᾶλλον ἣ τῷ κρατῆσαι τὴν πάροδον ἁρπάσας, πλησίον τῖύν βασιλείων γίνεται · ὡς μέν οἱ τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦντες, κατᾶ πρόγνωσιν ἐπὶ τήν ἐκστρατείαν ἀρθεὶς, καὶ δαιμόνων κινησιν τὸ μέλλον ὑπισχνουμένων, καὶ μεταβολὴν πρυτανευόντων τοῖς πράγμασιν· ὡς δέ ὂ τῶν ἀληθευόντων λόγος, κατὰ προθεσμίαν παρὼν, ἀλλʼ ἀποῤῥητοτέραν τε καὶ βαθυτέραν, καὶ σπεύδων ἐπὶ θάνατον, οὗ δημιουργὸς αὐτὸς ἦν, κλέψας τινὶ τῶν ἔνδον τήν ἐπιχείρησιν· ὣστε εἷς ναι μὴ πρόγνωσιν, ἀλλὰ γνῶσιν, και πονηρίας ἔργον, ἀλλά μὴ δαιμόνων εὖεργάτημα τὸ γινόμενονο o'i γε πῶς εὔστοχοι τὰ τοιαῦτα, Περσὶς σαφῶς ἔειξε. Καὶ παυσάσθωσαν οἱ τὸ ἐκείνου τάχος τοῖς δαίμοσιν ἐπιφημίζοντες ° εἷ μή γε καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ κακόν εἶναι τούτοις προσθήσομεν.

Mē Thaumazetōsan hoi tōn tou Theou logōn hyphʼ ōn to pan pheretai, to atekmarton mē epistamenoi bathos, kai mē parachōrountes tǭ technitę̄ tēs kybernēseōs, hēmōn ge pantōs synetōterǭ. kai agonti to oikeion hopē kai ’hopōs bouletai ; pantōs de pros to kreitton kai tēn iatreian, kan hoi therapeuomenoi dyscherainōsin hyphʼ hōn logōn kakeinos ouk ipērthē men eis tēn kakian; anaition gar pantapasi kakōn to Theion, agathon, tę̄ physei tynchanon, kai tou proelomenou ta tēs kakias ou mēn epeschethē ge tēs hormēs ; alla tachei pollǭ tēn te oikeian, kai tēs barbarikēs ochthēs estin hēn diadramōn, kai tǭ lathein mallon hē tǭ kratēsai tēn parodon harpasas, plēsion tiyn basileiōn ginetai ; hōs men hoi ta ekeinou phronountes, kata prognōsin epi tēn ekstrateian artheis, kai daimonōn kinēsin to mellon hypischnoumenōn, kai metabolēn prytaneuontōn tois pragmasin; hōs de o tōn alētheuontōn logos, kata prothesmian parōn, allʼ aporrhētoteran te kai bathyteran, kai speudōn epi thanaton, hou dēmiourgos autos ēn, klepsas tini tōn endon tēn epicheirēsin; hōste heis nai mē prognōsin, alla gnōsin, kai ponērias ergon, alla mē daimonōn euergatēma to ginomenono o'i ge pōs eustochoi ta toiauta, Persis saphōs eeixe. Kai pausasthōsan hoi to ekeinou tachos tois daimosin epiphēmizontes ° hei mē ge kai auto to kakon einai toutois prosthēsomen.

Let them not wonder, those who do not know the untraceable depth of the reasons of God by which the universe is borne along, and do not yield to the craftsman of its governance, who is altogether wiser than we, and leads what is his own where and how he wills, but altogether toward the better and toward healing, even if those being treated are annoyed. By these reasons that man was not lifted up into vice (for the divine is wholly guiltless of evils, being good by nature, and vice belongs to the one who chooses it), yet he was not restrained from his impulse; but running with great speed through his own territory and part of the barbarian bank, and seizing the passage by stealth more than by force, he comes near the palace. As his partisans say, he set out on the campaign by foreknowledge, by the prompting of demons who promised the future and presided over a change in affairs; but, as the account of those who tell the truth has it, he arrived at a set time, though a more secret and deeper one, and hastening toward a death of which he himself was the author, having secretly arranged the attempt through someone of the household; so that what happened was not foreknowledge but knowledge, a work of wickedness and not a benefit from demons. How well they hit the mark in such matters Persia clearly showed. And let those cease who ascribe his speed to the demons, unless we are to add this very evil to their account.

Notes and citation

Summary: God permitted but did not cause Julian's march; Gregory denies that demons foretold Constantius's death and insinuates Julian's guilt.

  • Gregory implies that Julian had a hand in Constantius's death; the historians report that Constantius died of a fever at Mopsucrenae in Cilicia (November 361). “Persia” refers to Julian's fatal Persian campaign (363), which his diviners had promised would succeed.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.47 (PG 35:572a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-47). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.48PG 35:572a–573d

Ei μέν οὖν μὴ προῦλαβε τὴν ἔφοδον τοῦ τυράννου τὸ τέλος τοῦ βασιλέως, μηδὲ ὁ ἀφανής πόλεμός τῆς φανερᾶς χειρὸς πλεῖον ἴσχυσε, τάχα ἂν ἔγνω κατʼ ἑαυτοῦ ταχύνας ὁ ἀλιτήριος· καὶ πρὶν ὑπό Περσῶν τὴν ἐμπληξίαν σωφρονισθῆναι τῆς ἀπονοίας, ἔδωκεν ἅν δίκην ἐν ὅροις Ῥωμαίων, ὧν κακῶς κατετόλμησε· τεκμήριον δέʼ καὶ γάρ ἓτι προϊὼν καὶ ἀγνοούμενος, ὡς ἐνόμιζεν, ὑπὸ τοῦ γενο ναιοτάτου βασιΛέως στρατίᾳ περιλαμβἀνεται προϋποτεμνούσῃ καὶ τήν φυγὴν, ὡς δῆλον γέγονεν ἐκ τῶν ὕστερον· καὶ γὰρ ἤδη τὸ κράτος ἔχοντι, τὸ κρατῆσαι ταύτης οὐ μικρὸν ἔργον ἐγένετο · νῦν δὲ ὁ μὲν fluat}: ζέων κατά τῆς ἀπονοίας ὁμοῦ καί τῆς ἀσεβείας, καὶ τὸν σοφώτατον ἔχων έν ἄρκυσιν, ὣ τῆς ἡμετέρας κακίαςῙ ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς ὁδοῦ καταλύει τὸν βίον, πολλὰ καὶ Θεῴ καὶ ἀνθρώποις ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ φιλανθρωπίας ἀπολογησάμενος, καὶ διά τῆς ὁρμῆς δείξας Χριστιανοῖς τὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐσεβείας κίν ησιν.

Ei men oun mē proulabe tēn ephodon tou tyrannou to telos tou basileōs, mēde ho aphanēs polemos tēs phaneras cheiros pleion ischyse, tacha an egnō katʼ heautou tachynas ho alitērios; kai prin hypo Persōn tēn emplēxian sōphronisthēnai tēs aponoias, edōken han dikēn en horois Rhōmaiōn, hōn kakōs katetolmēse; tekmērion deʼ kai gar heti proïōn kai agnooumenos, hōs enomizen, hypo tou geno naiotatou basiLeōs stratią perilambanetai proÿpotemnousę̄ kai tēn phygēn, hōs dēlon gegonen ek tōn hysteron; kai gar ēdē to kratos echonti, to kratēsai tautēs ou mikron ergon egeneto ; nyn de ho men fluat}: zeōn kata tēs aponoias homou kai tēs asebeias, kai ton sophōtaton echōn en arkysin, hō tēs hēmeteras kakiasI en akmę̄ tēs hodou katalyei ton bion, polla kai Theǭ kai anthrōpois hyper tēs heautou philanthrōpias apologēsamenos, kai dia tēs hormēs deixas Christianois tēn hyper tēs eusebeias kin ēsin.

If, then, the emperor’s end had not come before the tyrant’s attack, and the invisible war had not prevailed over the visible hand, the wretch would perhaps have learned that he was hastening against himself; and before his folly was chastened by the Persians, he would have paid the penalty within the bounds of Rome for what he had wickedly dared. Here is the proof: while he was still advancing and, as he thought, unnoticed, he was surrounded by an army of the most noble emperor, which had already cut off his retreat, as became clear from later events; for even when he already held power, mastering this army was no small task. But as it was, the emperor, boiling against his madness and his impiety alike, and having the wisest of men in his nets, ends his life (O our wickedness!) in the midst of his march, having made a full defence before God and men for his kindness, and having shown Christians by his zeal how he was moved on behalf of piety.

Notes and citation

Summary: Only Constantius's sudden death saved Julian from defeat.

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.48 (PG 35:572a–573d; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-48). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.49PG 35:576a

Πῶς μὴ δακρύσω τὸν ἄθλιον πῶς μὴ πλέον μὶν τῶν δεδιωγμένων τοὺς προσδραμόντας; πλὲον δὲ τῶν αὐτομολησάντων εἷς τὴν κακίαν θρηνήσω τὸν συναρπάσαντα; Μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς μὲν οὐδὲν δεινὸν τὸ ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ παθεῖν, ἀλλᾶ καὶ πάντων μακαριστότατον, οὐ διὰ τὰ ἐκεῖθεν μόνον, ἀλλά καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐντεῦθεν εὐδοξίαν καὶ παρρησίαν, ἢν διὰ τῶν κινδύνων ἑαυτοῖς ἐχαρίσαντο· τοῖς δὲ προοίμιον τῶν ἀποκειμένων καὶ ἀπειλουμένων, ἅπερ ἤδη πεπόνθασι · καί βέλτιον ἦν αὐτοῖς, εἴ ἐντεῦθεν μακρότερον ἐκολάσθησαν ἢ τοῖς ἐκεῖ δικαιωτηρίοις ἐταμιεύθησαΨ Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν διὰ τόν νόμον, τὸν τῷ πτώματι τοῦ ὲγθροῦ μὴ ἐπιχαίρειν κελεύοντα, καὶ τὸ συμπαθὲς ἀπαιτοῦντα παρὰ τῶν ιστηκότωνο ἐμοὶ δὲ πάλιν πρὸς αὑτὸν ἐπηακτέον τὸν λόγον.

Pōs mē dakrysō ton athlion pōs mē pleon min tōn dediōgmenōn tous prosdramontas? pleon de tōn automolēsantōn heis tēn kakian thrēnēsō ton synarpasanta? Mallon de tois men ouden deinon to hyper Christou pathein, alla kai pantōn makaristotaton, ou dia ta ekeithen monon, alla kai dia tēn enteuthen eudoxian kai parrēsian, ēn dia tōn kindynōn heautois echarisanto; tois de prooimion tōn apokeimenōn kai apeiloumenōn, haper ēdē peponthasi ; kai beltion ēn autois, ei enteuthen makroteron ekolasthēsan ē tois ekei dikaiōtēriois etamieuthēsaPs Tauta men oun dia ton nomon, ton tǭ ptōmati tou egthrou mē epichairein keleuonta, kai to sympathes apaitounta para tōn istēkotōno emoi de palin pros hauton epēakteon ton logon.

How shall I not weep for the wretch? How shall I not lament, more than those who were persecuted, those who ran over to him; and, more than those who deserted to vice, the one who snatched them away? Or rather, for the one group it is nothing terrible to suffer for Christ, but the most blessed thing of all, not only because of what is there, but also because of the good repute and boldness here which they won for themselves through their dangers; while for the others what they have already suffered is a prelude to what is stored up and threatened; and it would have been better for them to be punished longer here than to be kept for the tribunals there. These things I say because of the law that bids us not rejoice at the fall of an enemy and requires sympathy from those who stand; but I must bring my discourse back again to him.

Prov 24:17 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Cor 10:12 (echo, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Gregory pities the apostates more than the persecuted, and refrains from gloating over the fallen.

  • The staged numbering passes from 49 to 52; the numerals of 50–51 were probably lost.
  • “Not rejoice at the fall of an enemy”: Prov 24:17; compare 1 Cor 10:12.

Topics: Persecution, Martyrdom

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.49 (PG 35:576a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-49). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.52PG 35:576a

Τίς ἡ τοσαύτη τοῦ κακοῦ φιλονιικία; Τίς ὁ τῆς ἀσεβείας ἔρωςς τίς ὁ δρόμος τῆς ἀπωλείας; Πόθεν οὕτω μισόχριστός ὁ Χριστοῦ μαθητής, ὁ τοσούτοις λόγοις τῆς ἀληθείας προσομιλήσας, καὶ τὰ μὶν εἰπὼν, τὰ δὲ ἀκούσας τῶν φερόντων εἲς σωτηρίαν; Οὐ γὰρ ἔφθη κληρονομήσας τὴν βασιλείαν. καὶ παρρησιάζεται τήν ἀσέβειαν, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ γενέσθαι ποτὶ Χριστιανὸς αἰσχυνόμενος, ἢ μνησικακῶν ὑπὲρ τούτου Χριπιανοῖς, οἷς τοῦ ὀνόματος ἐκοινώνησε. Καὶ τὸ μὶν πρῶτον αύτῴ τῶν τολμημάτων ὡς οἱ τοῖς ἀποῤῥήτοις ἐκείνου καλλωπιζόμενοι (εἰς οἵους ἐμπίπτειν ἀναγκάζομαι λόγους i), αἵματι μὶν οὐχ ὁσίῳ τὸ λουτρὸν ἀποῤῥύπτιται, τῇ καθʼ ἡμᾶς τε· λειώσει τὴν τελείωσιν τοῦ μύσους ἀντιτιθεὶς, ὗς ἐν βορβόρῳ κυλισθεὶς, κατᾶ τήν παροιμίαν· καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀφαγνίζεται τῆς ἀναιμάκτου θυσίας ἀποκαθαίρων διʼ ἧς ἡμεῖς Χριστῷ κοινωνοῦμεν, καὶ τῶν παθημάτων καὶ τῆς θεότητος · ἐντόμοις δὲ καὶ θυσίαις καθιστᾷ τὰ βασίλεια, κακοῖς συμβούλοις κακῆς ἀρχῆς χρώμενος.

Tis hē tosautē tou kakou philoniikia? Tis ho tēs asebeias erōss tis ho dromos tēs apōleias? Pothen houtō misochristos ho Christou mathētēs, ho tosoutois logois tēs alētheias prosomilēsas, kai ta min eipōn, ta de akousas tōn pherontōn eis sōtērian? Ou gar ephthē klēronomēsas tēn basileian. kai parrēsiazetai tēn asebeian, hōsper kai to genesthai poti Christianos aischynomenos, ē mnēsikakōn hyper toutou Chripianois, hois tou onomatos ekoinōnēse. Kai to min prōton autǭ tōn tolmēmatōn hōs hoi tois aporrhētois ekeinou kallōpizomenoi (eis hoious empiptein anankazomai logous i), haimati min ouch hosiǭ to loutron aporrhyptitai, tę̄ kathʼ hēmas te; leiōsei tēn teleiōsin tou mysous antititheis, hys en borborǭ kylistheis, kata tēn paroimian; kai tas cheiras aphagnizetai tēs anaimaktou thysias apokathairōn diʼ hēs hēmeis Christǭ koinōnoumen, kai tōn pathēmatōn kai tēs theotētos ; entomois de kai thysiais kathistą ta basileia, kakois symboulois kakēs archēs chrōmenos.

What is this great rivalry in evil? What this love of impiety? What this race to destruction? Whence is the disciple of Christ such a hater of Christ, he who had conversed with so many words of truth, and spoken some and heard others of those that lead to salvation? For no sooner had he inherited the empire than he openly professed his impiety, as if he were ashamed of having once been a Christian, or bore a grudge against Christians on this account, whose name he had shared. And the first of his daring deeds (as those say who pride themselves on knowing his secrets: into what words am I forced to fall!) was that he washes off the bath of baptism with unholy blood, setting the consummation of abomination against our consummation, a pig rolling in the mud, as the proverb says; and he purifies his hands, cleansing them of the bloodless sacrifice through which we share with Christ both in his sufferings and in his Godhead; and he establishes the palace with victims and sacrifices, using evil counsellors for an evil reign.

2 Pet 2:22 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: On taking power Julian openly renounced Christianity and is said to have tried to wash off his baptism with sacrificial blood.

  • “Our consummation” (τελείωσις): baptism. Gregory reports, from Julian's own circle, a rite of blood meant to undo it.
  • “The bloodless sacrifice”: the eucharist, through which, Gregory says, Christians share in Christ's sufferings and Godhead.
  • The pig in the mud: 2 Pet 2:22.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR garble for αἵματι.): at'tp. ατι μὶν → αἵματι μὶν.

Topics: Baptism, Eucharist, Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.52 (PG 35:576a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-52). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.53PG 35:576a–577b

Ἀλλʼ ἐπειδή γε ἑντόμων ἐμνήσθην, καὶ τῆς περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς δεισιδαιμονίας, ἦ κακοδαιμονίας εἰπεῖν οίκειοτερον, οὐκ οἶδα πότερον γραφῇ παραδῶ τὸ θρυλλούμενδν θαῦμα, ἢ ἀπιστήσω τοῖς λέγουσι. Καὶ γὰρ αὐτος ταλαντεύομαι λ τὴν γνώμην, καὶ οὐκ ἔχω ὁποτέρωσε νεύσω, μεμιγμένων τῶν δικαίως ἃν πιστευθὲντων τοῖς οὐκ ἀξίοις πίστεως· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἐπισημῆναί τι τῇ τοσαύτῃ τοῦ κακοῦ καινοτομίᾳ καὶ δυσσεβείᾳ τῶν οὐκ ἀπίστων, ἀλλά καὶ πολλάκις ἤδη συμβεβηκότων περὶ τὰς μεγίστας μεταβολάςʼ τὸ δὲ καὶ τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον σφόδρα ἐμοὶ γοῦν θαύματος ἄξιον, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς καθαρῶς δηλοῦσθαι τὰ καθαρὰ βουλομένοις τε καὶ νομίζουσι.

Allʼ epeidē ge hentomōn emnēsthēn, kai tēs peri ta toiauta tou andros deisidaimonias, ē kakodaimonias eipein oikeioteron, ouk oida poteron graphę̄ paradō to thrylloumendn thauma, ē apistēsō tois legousi. Kai gar autos talanteuomai l tēn gnōmēn, kai ouk echō hopoterōse neusō, memigmenōn tōn dikaiōs han pisteuthentōn tois ouk axiois pisteōs; to men gar episēmēnai ti tę̄ tosautę̄ tou kakou kainotomią kai dyssebeią tōn ouk apistōn, alla kai pollakis ēdē symbebēkotōn peri tas megistas metabolasʼ to de kai ton tropon touton sphodra emoi goun thaumatos axion, kai pasi tois katharōs dēlousthai ta kathara boulomenois te kai nomizousi.

But since I have mentioned entrails and the man’s superstition in such things (or, to say it more properly, his ill-starred demon-worship), I do not know whether I should commit to writing the wonder that is talked about, or disbelieve those who tell it. For I myself waver in judgment and cannot tell which way to lean, since things that would justly be believed are mixed with things not worthy of belief. That some sign should be given at so great an innovation of evil and impiety is not incredible, but has often happened at the greatest changes; and the manner of it too is very worthy of wonder, to me at least, and to all who wish and think that pure things should be shown purely.

Notes and citation

Summary: Gregory hesitates over a widely reported wonder at one of Julian's sacrifices.

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.53 (PG 35:576a–577b; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-53). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.54PG 35:577b–580b

Τὸ δʼ οῦν λεγόμενον, ὅτί θυομένῳ τὰ σπλάγχνα τὸν σταυρὸν ἀναδείκνυσι στεφανούμενον, ὅ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις φρίκην παρέσχε, καὶ ἀγωνίαν, καί τοῦ ἡμετερου κράτους συναίσθησιν · τῷ δὶ διδασκάλῳ τῆς ἀσεβείας καὶ θάρσος δῆθεν, ὡς περιγεγραμμένων ἡμῶν καὶ συνειργμένωνʼ οὕτω γὰρ τὸν σταυρὸν καὶ τὸν κύκλον παρεσχεδιάσε. Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ ἐμὸν θαῦμα· καὶ εἰ μὲν ψευδὲς, αὖραι φέροιεν· εἷ δὲ ἀληθὲς, πάλιν Βαλαὰμ προφηυεύει, καὶ Σαμουὴλ ἕλκεται, ἢ δοκεῖ (Ι Ι), διʼ ἐγγαστριμύθου, καὶ δαίμονες ὁμολογοῦσι τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἄκοντες, καὶ διὰ τῶν ἐναντίων, ’ίνα καὶ πιστευθῇ μᾶλλον, ἡ ἀλήθεια δείκνυται ’ τυχὸν κάκεῖνον ἐπισχεθῆναι τῆς ἀσεβείας διὰ τούτων ἐπρυτανεύετο ’ πολλὰς γὰρ καὶ παραδόξους ὁδοὺς σωτηρίας οἶδε τὸ Θεῖον καινοτομεῖν, νεῦον πρὸς τὰ φιλάνθρωπον · ὅ δὲ λέγεται ὑπὸ πλειόνων, καὶ πίστεύειν οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου. λήρους), τῷ ἀδοκητῳ πληγεὶς, καὶγὰρ ἦν ὀψιμαθὴς τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἐπὶ τὸν σταυρὸν καταφεύγει, καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν φάρμακον, καὶ τούτῳ σημειοῦται κατὰ τῶν φόβων, καὶ βοηθὸν ποιεῖται τὸν διωκόμενον καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς φρικωδέστερα. Nq'. ’Ίσχυσεν ἡ σφραγὶς, ἡττῶνται οἳ δαίμονες, λύονται οἳ φόβοι. Εἶτα τί; Ἀναπνεῖ τὸ κακὸν, θρασύνεται πάλιν, αὖθις ὁρμὴ, καὶ οἳ αὐτοὶ φόβοι, καὶ ἡ σφραγὶς πάλιν, καὶ ἠρεμοῦντες οἱ δαίμονες · καί 6 μύστης ἐν ἀπορίᾳ · καὶ 6 μυσταγωγὸς ἐγγύθεν παρεξηγούμενος τὴν ἀληθειαν· Ἐβδελύχθημεν, τὴν λέγων, οὐκ ἐφοβήσαμεν· νικᾷ τὸ χεῖρον · λέγει γὰρ ταῦτα, καὶ εἰπὼν πείθει, καὶ πείσας ἄγει τὸν μαθητὴν ἐπὶ τὸ τῆς ἀπολείας βάραθρον. Καὶ θαυμαστὸν οὐδὲν · πρόχειρος, γὰρ ἡ πονηρία τῷ κακῷ μᾶλλον ἀκολουθεῖν ἢ ὑπὸ τοῦ κρείττονος ἀνακόπτεσθαι. "A μὲν οὖν εἰπὼν, ποιήσας, ἣ ἐξαπατηθεὶς ἀναπέμπεται, εἰδεῖεν ἂν οἱ τὰ τοιαῦτα τελοῦντές τε καὶ τελούμενει · ἄνεισι δʼ οὖν καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ δαιμονῶν καὶ τοῖς πράγμασι, καὶ τῷ μανιώδει τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐπισημαίνων οὕς ἐθεράπευσεν- εἷ μή γε καὶ ἀπʼ ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπλήσθη δαιμόνων, ἀφʼ ἧς οὕτω πονηρᾶ προῦΟετοʼ ἀλλὰ τότε καί περιφανέστερονο ’ίνα μή μάτην κατεληλυθὼς, καὶ τῶν δαιμόνων μετειληφὼς ὃν ἐνθουσιασμὸν ἐκεῖνοι καλοῦσι. μεταποιοῦντες σεμνῶς τὰ ὀνόματα. Τὰ μὲν δὴ πρῶτα τοιαῦτα.

To dʼ oun legomenon, hoti thyomenǭ ta splanchna ton stauron anadeiknysi stephanoumenon, ho tois men allois phrikēn paresche, kai agōnian, kai tou hēmeterou kratous synaisthēsin ; tǭ di didaskalǭ tēs asebeias kai tharsos dēthen, hōs perigegrammenōn hēmōn kai syneirgmenōnʼ houtō gar ton stauron kai ton kyklon pareschediase. Touto men dē to emon thauma; kai ei men pseudes, aurai pheroien; hei de alēthes, palin Balaam prophēueuei, kai Samouēl helketai, ē dokei (I I), diʼ engastrimythou, kai daimones homologousi ton Iēsoun akontes, kai dia tōn enantiōn, ’ina kai pisteuthę̄ mallon, hē alētheia deiknytai ’ tychon kakeinon epischethēnai tēs asebeias dia toutōn eprytaneueto ’ pollas gar kai paradoxous hodous sōtērias oide to Theion kainotomein, neuon pros ta philanthrōpon ; ho de legetai hypo pleionōn, kai pisteuein ouk apo tropou. lērous), tǭ adokētǭ plēgeis, kaigar ēn opsimathēs ta toiauta, epi ton stauron katapheugei, kai to palaion pharmakon, kai toutǭ sēmeioutai kata tōn phobōn, kai boēthon poieitai ton diōkomenon kai ta hexēs phrikōdestera. Nq'. ’Ischysen hē sphragis, hēttōntai hoi daimones, lyontai hoi phoboi. Eita ti? Anapnei to kakon, thrasynetai palin, authis hormē, kai hoi autoi phoboi, kai hē sphragis palin, kai ēremountes hoi daimones ; kai 6 mystēs en aporią ; kai 6 mystagōgos engythen parexēgoumenos tēn alētheian; Ebdelychthēmen, tēn legōn, ouk ephobēsamen; niką to cheiron ; legei gar tauta, kai eipōn peithei, kai peisas agei ton mathētēn epi to tēs apoleias barathron. Kai thaumaston ouden ; procheiros, gar hē ponēria tǭ kakǭ mallon akolouthein ē hypo tou kreittonos anakoptesthai. "A men oun eipōn, poiēsas, hē exapatētheis anapempetai, eideien an hoi ta toiauta telountes te kai teloumenei ; aneisi dʼ oun kai tę̄ psychę̄ daimonōn kai tois pragmasi, kai tǭ maniōdei tōn ophthalmōn episēmainōn hous etherapeusen- hei mē ge kai apʼ ekeinēs tēs hēmeras eplēsthē daimonōn, aphʼ hēs houtō ponēra prouOetoʼ alla tote kai periphanesterono ’ina mē matēn katelēlythōs, kai tōn daimonōn meteilēphōs hon enthousiasmon ekeinoi kalousi. metapoiountes semnōs ta onomata. Ta men dē prōta toiauta.

What is said, then, is this: that as he was sacrificing, the entrails showed the cross with a crown around it; which brought shuddering and anguish to the others, and awareness of our power, but to the teacher of impiety, of course, courage, as though we were circumscribed and hemmed in; for so he improvised an interpretation of the cross and the circle. This is my wonder; and if it is false, let the winds carry it away; but if it is true, Balaam is prophesying again, and Samuel is brought up (or seems to be) through a ventriloquist, and demons confess Jesus against their will, and the truth is shown through its opposites, so that it may be the more believed; perhaps it was even arranged that he should be held back from impiety by these things, for the divine knows how to devise many strange ways of salvation, inclining toward love of mankind. And what is told by more people, and is not unreasonable to believe: … drivel), struck by the unexpected (for he was a late learner in such things), he takes refuge in the cross and the old remedy, and signs himself with it against his fears, and makes the one he was persecuting his helper; and what follows is more fearful still. [56] The seal prevailed; the demons are defeated; the fears are dispelled. Then what? The evil breathes again, grows bold again; again an onset, and the same fears; and the seal again, and the demons are quiet; and the initiate is at a loss; and the mystagogue, standing near, misinterprets the truth. “We disgusted them,” he says; “we did not frighten them; the worse is prevailing.” He says this, and saying it persuades, and having persuaded leads the disciple to the pit of destruction. And there is nothing strange in this; for wickedness is readier to follow evil than to be checked by the better. What he said or did, or by what deception he was sent back up, those who perform and undergo such rites would know; at any rate he comes up possessed by demons both in his soul and in his affairs, and showing by the madness of his eyes whom he had served; unless indeed he was filled with demons from that day on which he devoted himself to such wicked things; but then more conspicuously, so that he might not have gone down in vain, and might receive from the demons what they call “enthusiasm,” solemnly changing the names. Such, then, were the first things.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Num 23:7 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Sam 28:11 (allusion, high confidence) · Mark 1:24 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The cross appeared in Julian's sacrificial entrails; in an underground rite the sign of the cross put the demons to flight, but his mystagogue led him on.

  • Lines are lost in the scan after “not unreasonable to believe” (…), including the beginning of Migne's section 55, which describes Julian's descent into an underground shrine for initiation; the passage resumes in the middle of 55 and continues into 56 (marked [56]).
  • Gregory reports these stories as hearsay and says so. Balaam: Num 22–24. Samuel and the medium: 1 Sam 28. Demons confessing Jesus: Mark 1:24.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR garble for ψυχῇ.): τῇ ilex/fi δαιμονῶν → τῇ ψυχῇ δαιμονῶν.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.54 (PG 35:577b–580b; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-54). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.57PG 35:580c–581a

Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ ὠδὶς ἐκράτει, καὶ 6 διωγμὸς ἐξερῥήγνυτο, εἷδὲ τι, εἶάʼ οὖν ἀνδρὸς σοφοῦ τὴν κακίαν καὶ περιττοῦ τήν ἀσέβειαν, εʼ.’τʼ οὖν ἐδιδάχθη παρὰ τῶν εἲς ταύτην αὐτὸν ἀλειφόντων. Ὠς τὸ μὶν φανερῶς ἀνελέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, καὶ προκακεσθῆναι τῆς ἀσεβείας αὐτόχειρα, πρὸς τῷ λίαν εἶναι θρασὺ καὶ ἀπαίδευτον, ἔτι καὶ ἐναντιώτατον τῷ σκοπῷ παντελῶς · φιλονεικοτὲρους γὰρ ἂν ἡμᾶς γε· νὲσθαι βιαζομένους, καὶ ἀντιθήσειν τῇ τυραννίδι τὴν ὑπὲρ εὐσεβείας φιλοτιμίαν. Φιλεῖ γὰρ τὰ γενναῖα φρονήματα πρὸς τὸ βίᾳ κρατοῦν αὐθαδιαζεσθαι καὶ γαθάπερ φλὸξ ὑπὸ ἀνέμου ῥιπίζομένη τοςούτῳ μᾶλλον ἀνάπτεσθαι, ὅσῳ περ ἂν σφοδρότερον κατα πνέηται. Καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐκ τῶν λογισμῶν εὕρισκε μόνον, ἀλλᾶ καὶ τοῖς προλαβοῦσι διωγμοῖς εἶχε γινώσκειν. οʼί τιμιώτεάον τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν πεποιήκασι θᾶττον ἢ ἀσθενέστερον, ῥώσαντες τὰς ψυχὰς εἷς εὐσέβειαν, καὶ ὣσπερ σίδηρον θερμὸν ὕδατι, τοῖς κινδύνοις στομώσαντες. Εἰ δὲ μετὰ τῆς τέχνης στρατεύσειε, καὶ τῷ πείθειν τὸ βιάζεσθαι χρώσειιν ἢ καθάπερ χαλκῴ περιβάλλοι δέλεαρ τῇ τυραννίδι τὸ προσηνὲς, σοφόν τε οὕτως ἂν ἃμα καὶ δυνατὸν γενέσθαι αὐτῷ τὸ ἀγώνισμα.

Epei de hē ōdis ekratei, kai 6 diōgmos exerrhēgnyto, heide ti, eiaʼ oun andros sophou tēn kakian kai perittou tēn asebeian, eʼ.’tʼ oun edidachthē para tōn eis tautēn auton aleiphontōn. Ōs to min phanerōs anelesthai ton polemon, kai prokakesthēnai tēs asebeias autocheira, pros tǭ lian einai thrasy kai apaideuton, eti kai enantiōtaton tǭ skopǭ pantelōs ; philoneikoterous gar an hēmas ge; nesthai biazomenous, kai antithēsein tę̄ tyrannidi tēn hyper eusebeias philotimian. Philei gar ta gennaia phronēmata pros to bią kratoun authadiazesthai kai gathaper phlox hypo anemou rhipizomenē tosoutǭ mallon anaptesthai, hosǭ per an sphodroteron kata pneētai. Kai touto ouk ek tōn logismōn heuriske monon, alla kai tois prolabousi diōgmois eiche ginōskein. oʼi timiōteaon ton Christianismon pepoiēkasi thatton ē asthenesteron, rhōsantes tas psychas heis eusebeian, kai hōsper sidēron thermon hydati, tois kindynois stomōsantes. Ei de meta tēs technēs strateuseie, kai tǭ peithein to biazesthai chrōseiin ē kathaper chalkǭ periballoi delear tę̄ tyrannidi to prosēnes, sophon te houtōs an hama kai dynaton genesthai autǭ to agōnisma.

When his travail prevailed and the persecution broke out, he saw something, whether as a man wise in vice and extraordinary in impiety, or because he was taught it by those who anointed him for this contest: that to take up the war openly and to preside personally over impiety, besides being very rash and uncultivated, would also be altogether contrary to his aim; for we would become more contentious if we were forced, and would set our ambition for piety against his tyranny. For noble spirits tend to be stubborn against what rules by force, and, like a flame fanned by the wind, to be kindled the more, the more violently it blows upon them. And this he found not only by reasoning, but could also learn from the earlier persecutions, which made Christianity more honoured rather than weaker, strengthening souls for piety and tempering them by dangers as hot iron is tempered in water. But if he campaigned with art, and coloured force with persuasion, or wrapped his tyranny in gentleness like bait around a bronze hook, his contest would in this way become at once wise and powerful.

Notes and citation

Summary: Knowing that open persecution strengthens Christians, Julian chose to disguise force as persuasion.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.57 (PG 35:580c–581a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-57). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.58PG 35:581a

Kui γὰρ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶτῆς τῶν μαρτύρων τιμῆς ἐφθόνει τοῖς ἀθληταῖςʼ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μηχανᾶται αὐτὸς μὶν καὶ βιάζεσθαι, καίμή δοκεῖν, δὲ καὶ πάσχειν, καὶ μή τιμὴν ἔχειν ὡς ὗπὶρ Χριστοῦ πάσχοντας. ’Ὠ τῆς εὐηθείαςὲ Πρῶτον μὶν εἴ λανθάνειν ἐνόμισεν ὑπὲρ τίνος οἱ κίνδυνοι, καὶ συγκαλύψειν τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῖς σοφίσμασιν, ἀλλʼ οὐχ ὅσῳ κατὰ τῶν τιμῶν ἐπενόει, τοσουτῳ μείζους αὐτὰς ποιήσειν καὶ λαμπροτέρας.

Kui gar pros tois allois kaitēs tōn martyrōn timēs ephthonei tois athlētaisʼ kai dia touto mēchanatai autos min kai biazesthai, kaimē dokein, de kai paschein, kai mē timēn echein hōs hypir Christou paschontas. ’Ō tēs euētheiase Prōton min ei lanthanein enomisen hyper tinos hoi kindynoi, kai synkalypsein tēn alētheian tois sophismasin, allʼ ouch hosǭ kata tōn timōn epenoei, tosoutǭ meizous autas poiēsein kai lamproteras.

For besides other things he also begrudged the athletes the honour of the martyrs; and for this reason he contrived both to use force and not to seem to, and that they should suffer and yet not have the honour of suffering for Christ. O what simplicity! First, if he thought it would go unnoticed for what cause the dangers were faced, and that he would cover up the truth with sophistries; and did not see that the more he plotted against their honours, the greater and more brilliant he would make them.

Notes and citation

Summary: Julian tried to deny Christians the honour of martyrdom, which only increased it.

Topics: Martyrdom, Persecution

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.58 (PG 35:581a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-58). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.

4.59PG 35:581a

Δεύτερον δὲ, εἷ δόξης ἐπιθυμίᾳ κινδυνεῦειν ἡμᾶς, ἀλλᾶ μὴ τῆς ἀληθείας, ὑπέλαβε· ταῦτα μὶν παιζέτωσαν παρʼ ἐκείνοις Ἐμπεδοκλεῖς, καὶ Ἀρισταῖοι, καὶ Ἐμπεδότιμοί τινες, καὶ Τροφὼνιοι, καὶ τοιούτων δυστυχῶν ἀριθμός · ὢν ὁ μὲν τοῖς Σικελικοῖς κρατῆρσιν ἑαυτὸν θεώσας, ὡς ᾤετο, καῖ εἷς τὴν κρείττονα λῆξιν ἀφʼ ἡμῶν ἀναπέμψας, τῷ φιλτάτῳ σανδάλῳ κατεμηνύθη παρὰ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐκορασθέντι · καί οὐ Θεὸς ἐδείχθη μετʼ ἅνθρωπον, ἀλλʼ ἄνθρωπος κενόδοξος, καὶ ἀφιλόσοῖιος μετὰ θάνατον, καὶ οὐδὲ τὰ κοινὰ συνετός · οἳ δὲ ἀδύτοις τισὶν ἑαυτοὺς ὲγκρύψαντες ὑπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς νόσου καὶ φιλαυτίας, εἶτʼ ἐκεγχθὲντες, οὐ μᾶλλον ἐκ τῆς κλοπῆς ἐτιμήθησαν ἐκ τοῦ μὴ λαθεῖν καθυβρίσθησαν.

Deuteron de, hei doxēs epithymią kindyneuein hēmas, alla mē tēs alētheias, hypelabe; tauta min paizetōsan parʼ ekeinois Empedokleis, kai Aristaioi, kai Empedotimoi tines, kai Trophōnioi, kai toioutōn dystychōn arithmos ; ōn ho men tois Sikelikois kratērsin heauton theōsas, hōs ǭeto, kai heis tēn kreittona lēxin aphʼ hēmōn anapempsas, tǭ philtatǭ sandalǭ katemēnythē para tou pyros ekorasthenti ; kai ou Theos edeichthē metʼ hanthrōpon, allʼ anthrōpos kenodoxos, kai aphilosoiios meta thanaton, kai oude ta koina synetos ; hoi de adytois tisin heautous enkrypsantes hypo tēs autēs nosou kai philautias, eitʼ ekenchthentes, ou mallon ek tēs klopēs etimēthēsan ek tou mē lathein kathybristhēsan.

Second, if he supposed that we face dangers from desire of glory and not for the truth. Let such games be played among them by Empedocleses and Aristaeuses and Empedotimuses and Trophoniuses and the whole number of such unfortunates: of whom the one, having deified himself, as he thought, in the Sicilian craters, and sent himself away from us to a better lot, was betrayed by his dearest sandal, spat out by the fire; and he was shown to be not a god after being a man, but a vainglorious man, unphilosophical after death, and not sensible even in common matters; while the others, hiding themselves in certain shrines from the same disease and self-love, and then being exposed, were not so much honoured for their stealth as insulted for not escaping notice.

Notes and citation

Summary: Christians do not seek glory by dying, unlike pagan sages such as Empedocles who staged their own deification.

  • Empedocles was said to have leapt into Etna to be thought a god, but the volcano threw up one of his bronze sandals. Aristeas, Empedotimus, and Trophonius were figures of Greek legend said to have vanished or been taken up.

Extrabiblical texts: Empedocles (Empedocles (fragments); allusion)

Topics: Martyrdom

Cite (SBL): Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 4.59 (PG 35:581a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/gregory-nazianzen-orationes/4-28/#p-4-59). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-gregory-nazianzen-orationes-4-59) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from the Migne PG 35–36 scan text; orations in NPNF² 7 compared in full afterwards; the others re-read against the Greek.