On the Destruction of Jerusalem 4.4–4.14

Pseudonymous: Printed in Migne among the works of Ambrose and in the manuscripts under the name Hegesippus (a corruption of Josephus's name). The author is unknown; he reworked Josephus's Jewish War into Latin with Christian additions. Proposals include Ambrose, a Roman convert, and the circle of Ambrosiaster; none is secure.

Latin text: PL 15 (Latin text: Migne, PL 15 (1845), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (patrologia_latina-dev), University of Leipzig, CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0).

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Chapter 4

4.4PL 15:2092b–2093a

Giscala adhuc Sola da partibus Galilaeas in se hostem non converterat, quoniam incolarum ejus qu!etiora ingenia, ut pote plebs agrestis, contenta suis fructibus, nihil helli conferebant; sed multorum coalitu qni latrocinio vitam exercerent suam, etiam mi- Horum studia pravis moribus corrumpebantur. Erat præterea vir levis Joannes nomine ind'gena, pupuli lues, dolis nulli versutorum secundus, improbitate parem nesciens, cui numquam defuerat nocendi af. fectus, aliquamdiu tamen fuerat inopia exercendæ iniquitatis impedimentum. Quid tamen definiam, haud liquido scio, utrum eum indigentia texerit, an represserit: doli callidus, fallendi artifex, doctus mendaciis, fidem quaerere et crudelitatem compositis adsciscere, qui fallaciam virtutem putaret et e!egantiæ duceret, et charissimos circumvenire: promptus ad conspirandum. vehemens ad audendum, acer ad efficiendum, conturbator in oLio, desertor in periculo, assuemus latrociniis, bello insolens, qui cum persequi nequiret, sereret tamen parandae causas dominationis. Huic igitur animus inquietus, prompta audacia, quam processus alebant opesque ad consociandam perditorum manum. Uude cum ejus factione, memoratæ urbis populum excitari ad bellum Vespasianus comperisset, ne totum exercitum defaUgaret, filium Titum cum mitte equitibns direxit, quibus comHatus ad urbem appropinquavit. Sed ubi muros populo vidit refertos, mirari se ait, quod eorum exemptum sequerentur ad rebellandum, quorum excidiu resipiscere debuissem. Esto tamen, ut primo tentamenta habuerint aliquid praesumptionis, quid universorum exitia spei ferrent? Veniabilis certe fnerit in principio spes libertatis: inexorabilis tamen est in ultimis et desperatis rebus perseverantia. Nam qui non exemplo humanitatis, non sedalo verborum monitu flectuntur; adversum eos, non verba, sed arma necessaria sunt. Muris fiditis quasi adversum Romanarum virtutes illos protexerint. Quid aliud possunt clausi praeferre, circumsepti praetendere, nisi quod in captivitate audaces sint? Nemini erat loquendi potestas: occupaverat enim omnem murorum ambitum prædatoria manus: cavebat Joannes, ne quis colloquio familiari Romanos invitaret. Itaque ipse praeripuit sermonis relationem, dicens: libenter se tractatum suscipere de rebus communibus, nee experiendi usum declinare, si forte ipsi utilia suadeat, aut his quae referuntur acquicscendum sit: sed prohiberi se lege patria, cum supersit hebdomadæ sacræ dies, tractare de pacis conditionibus. Siquidem lit movere arma interdictum, ita etiam illicitum consulere de pace feriatis diebus. Etenim de negotio verbis saltern decernere, et illis sacrilegium qui cogerentur, nec illis inultum qui cogerent. Yeniam se unius diei poscere, dilationem tam exiguam nequaquam impedimento futuram. Neque enim circumfuso hoste, effugim clausis liberum: offerri sibi arbitrium pacis, tam æquali optione formidinem obesse: urgeri se interim non oportere ad pacis consulta, quibus religioni esset contra legem pa. triam non prævaricari: convenire autem tam libera- Ii pacis oblationi, ut qui præter spem sponte offerat pacem, ne quis periclitetur, evasuris ctiam leges suas reservet. Naec sine dolo Titus allegata arbitratus, receptui cecinit, et revocavit a muris quos secum deduxerat. Ita Joannes fugiendi adeptus copiam, nocte intempesta cum plerisque abscessit: sequebantur etiam mulieres proficiscentem. Sed quo ulterius progrediebantur viri, eo plures mulieres vet parvuli relinquebantur, desertæque a suis spectabant pavidæ viam feminae. Et cum jam viros proprios e conspectu amitterent, hosiem adesse arbitrabantur, ad omnem trementes sonum. Si quis concurreret, misere convertebantur, sese peti, sibi catenas injici trepidantes, quasi jam præsentes essent qui timebantur. Titus ita juata conventum jam sole infuso, ad urbem cum exercitu contendit: aperiuntur portae: egreditur populus cum exsultatione, et Romanos cum laetitia suscipit et alacritate: ahesse gaudens pestilentem virum, fngisse per noctem, sibi Iiberam facu!tatcm datam: orare se veniam, ne fraudi sibi esset ejus fuga, quem tenere sine suo exitio non possent. Ille dilatione vindictæ consolatus, cansummati negotii celeritate, ad comprehendendum Joannem e vestigio plurimos misit, si forte eum cansequerentur. Ipse urbem ingressus, minis magis quam supplicio affecisse contentus pacis perturbatores, remisit omnibus, ne quis vel odio, vel domesticis excitatas negotiis, innoxios in invidiam deducereI, et gravissimi criminis pulsaret atrocitate: cum multo tolerabilius sit id, quod incertum est, fornudini participis conscientiæ derelinquere, quam condemnare innoxium. Sæpe enim reum corrigit metus: paena autem innocentis sine ullo rentedio correctionis est. Joannes itaque non est repertus ab his quos direxerat Titus: sed reperti qui sequebantur eum, parvuli vel mulieres, ad duo millia Pere interfecti. tria millia autem infirmae ætatis et sexus, ubi satietas necandi facta, captivitati adjudicati sunt. Custodiam militarem civitati impertivit. Itaque Galilæa ornnis in potestatem Romanam deducta. Nam et Thabirius mons, cujus altitudo triginta stadiorum, ver. tex autem ipse campestris viginti et tribus stadiis jacet, penuria aquae ab aliis desertus, ab aliis oratavenia Romanis traditus: licet virtute quoque et industria Placidi cui id negotii a Vespasiano commissum fuerat, omnis convenarum turba, dum cedentem sequitur, et arte revocantem gradum perurgeret, campi medio circumfusa, refugium amiserit, pestem invenerit.

Gischala alone, of the regions of Galilee, had not yet drawn the enemy upon itself, since its inhabitants were of a quieter temper, being a rustic people content with their crops, and contributed nothing to the war. But through the coming together of many who made their living by robbery, the inclinations even of the more moderate were corrupted by bad morals. There was moreover a man of no weight named John, a native, the plague of the people, second to none of the crafty in tricks, knowing no equal in wickedness, who never lacked the will to do harm, though for some time poverty had hindered him from practicing his iniquity. Yet I do not clearly know what I should decide: whether need restrained him or held him back. Clever at deceit, a master of fraud, schooled in lies, he would seek others' trust and then bring cruelty on the very men he had won over; he counted falsehood a virtue and thought it elegance to entrap even his dearest friends; quick to conspire, bold to dare, keen to carry through; a troublemaker in peace, a deserter in danger, accustomed to robbery, unused to war; one who, though he could not pursue tyranny, nevertheless sowed the causes for gaining it. He had a restless spirit and ready daring, which his successes and his means fed for gathering a band of desperate men. Hence when Vespasian learned that the people of that city were being roused to war by his faction, so as not to tire out the whole army he sent his son Titus with a thousand horsemen, and with them Titus approached the city. But when he saw the walls packed with people, he said he wondered that they were following in rebellion the example of those whose destruction ought to have brought them to their senses. Granted that at first their attempts had some hope behind them: what hope did the destruction of all the others offer? The hope of liberty might well have been pardonable in the beginning; but persistence in the last and desperate extremity is beyond pardon. For against those who are not moved by the example of clemency nor by earnest warning in words, not words but arms are needed. “You trust your walls, as though they had protected those others against the might of the Romans. What else can men shut in display, what else can men surrounded put forward, except that they are bold in captivity?” No one had the opportunity to speak: for the robber band had taken over the whole circuit of the walls, and John took care that no one should invite the Romans to a friendly parley. So he himself seized the right of answering, saying that he gladly accepted the discussion of their common affairs and did not refuse to try it, in case Titus should persuade them of what was in their interest, or what he proposed should be agreed to; but that he was forbidden by the law of their fathers, since the day of the sacred week still remained, to discuss conditions of peace. For as it was forbidden to take up arms, so it was unlawful to deliberate about peace on holy days. Indeed, even to decide business in words was sacrilege for those who were forced to it, and not unpunished for those who forced them. He asked for the respite of a single day; so short a delay would be no hindrance at all. For with the enemy all around, the besieged had no free way of escape; the choice of peace was offered to them, and with so fair an option fear stood in the way; meanwhile they ought not to be pressed to deliberate on peace, since for them it was a matter of religion not to transgress the law of their fathers; and it suited so generous an offer of peace that one who, beyond hope, freely offered peace so that no one should be endangered, should also leave their laws intact to those who were to be saved. Titus, judging that these pleas were made without guile, sounded the retreat and called back from the walls those he had brought with him. So John, having gained the chance to flee, departed in the dead of night with many others; women too followed him as he went. But the farther the men advanced, the more women and little children were left behind, and the women, deserted by their own, watched the road in terror. And when they had lost sight of their own husbands, they thought the enemy was at hand, trembling at every sound. If anyone ran up, they turned about wretchedly, fearing that they were being hunted and that chains were being cast on them, as though those they feared were already there. Titus, then, according to the agreement, as soon as the sun was up, marched with the army to the city. The gates are opened; the people come out exulting and receive the Romans with joy and eagerness, glad that the pestilent man was gone, that he had fled by night, and that they had been given their freedom; they begged pardon, that his flight might not be held against them, since they could not have held him without their own destruction. Titus, consoled for the delay of vengeance by the speed with which the business had been finished, at once sent very many men to seize John, in case they could overtake him. He himself entered the city and, content to have struck the disturbers of the peace with threats rather than punishment, pardoned everyone, so that no one, moved by hatred or by private disputes, should bring the innocent into ill will and attack them with the charge of the gravest crime. For it is far more tolerable to leave what is uncertain to the fear of a guilty conscience than to condemn an innocent man. Fear often corrects the guilty, but the punishment of the innocent has no remedy of correction. John, then, was not found by those whom Titus had sent; but of those who were following him, little children and women, about two thousand were killed, and three thousand of the weaker age and sex, once the killers had had their fill of slaughter, were assigned to captivity. Titus gave the city a military garrison. So all Galilee was brought under Roman power. For Mount Tabor too, whose height is thirty stadia, while its flat summit extends twenty-three stadia, was abandoned by some for lack of water and handed over by others to the Romans after they had asked for pardon; although it was also through the courage and skill of Placidus, to whom Vespasian had entrusted this task, that the whole crowd of refugees, while they pursued him as he gave way and pressed on him as he skillfully drew back, were surrounded in the middle of the plain, lost their refuge, and found destruction.

Notes and citation

Summary: John of Gischala tricks Titus into a day's delay by appealing to the sabbath and escapes to Jerusalem; Gischala surrenders, and Mount Tabor falls.

  • Follows J.W. 4.2.1–5 and, for Mount Tabor, 4.1.8. "The day of the sacred week" is the sabbath. "Fides quaerere et crudelitatem compositis adsciscere" is obscure in the digital text; translated by sense.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip (eunt/eum, lexerit/texerit)): eunt indigentia lexerit → eum indigentia texerit.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.2 (Josephus (works); allusion); Josephus, J.W. 4.1 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.4 (PL 15:2092b–2093a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-4). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.5PL 15:2093b

Hactenus circumvagari licuerit, dum templi sancti a majoribus conditi, et sacrae legis contagia refugientes, circa alias urbes stylum occupamus: sed tempus est jam, tit quæ Hierosolymis gesta sunt, adoriamnr, non ingenio freti, sed ne patriæ legi veterique cultui, nostri doloris videamur negasse ministerium: fuerit in illis ficet umbra, non veritas, sed tamen umbra designat veritatis vestigia. Habet enim picturæ lineamenta umbra, fulgorem non habet, nec ad summam perfecta est manum, sed diligenter intuentibus futura exprimit: et idco minus delectat figura, plus illicit gratia, Unde placuit rerum arbitro abolere vetera, nova condere; ut veritatem sequerentur, qui per angustias inHdelitatis imagines non sequebantur.

Thus far we have been allowed to wander about, occupying our pen with other cities while shrinking from the contagions of the holy temple founded by our forefathers and of the sacred law. But it is now time to undertake what was done at Jerusalem, not relying on talent, but so that we may not seem to have refused the service of our grief to the law of our fathers and the ancient worship. Granted that in these there was a shadow, not the truth; yet the shadow marks out the traces of the truth. For a shadow has the outlines of a picture, but not its brilliance, nor is it finished by the final hand; yet to those who look carefully it expresses what is to come; and therefore the figure delights less but draws more by grace. Hence it pleased the arbiter of all things to abolish the old and found the new, so that those who did not follow the images through the narrow ways of unbelief might follow the truth.

Heb 10:1 (allusion, medium confidence) · Col 2:17 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The author turns to events at Jerusalem, explaining that the old law and worship were a shadow of the truth that God replaced with the new.

  • A Christian reflection by the author, not in Josephus. The language of shadow and truth recalls Heb 10:1 and Col 2:17. The sentence about the "contagions" of the temple and law is obscure; translated as written.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (leaked chapter heading (CAPUT V.)): fAPUT V. Hactenus → Hactenus.

Topics: Scripture and canon, The law of Moses

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.5 (PL 15:2093b; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-5). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.6PL 15:2093b–2094b

Fugiens, ut supra diximus, de Galilææ partibus Joannes ad Hierosolymitanam urbem se contulit; et quasi quædant restis infecit animos plurium, qui ex diversis regionibus principes flagitiorum eo quaSi in senHnam conOuxerunt. Hoc enim illi urbi majoris causa excidii fuit, quia quod sceleribus suis deferebant perditi, ut eo convenirent plerique, ubi vel tutiores se fore crederent, vel insolentiores ad flagitia coacervanda, fidei deferre aestimabantur. Recipiebantur itaque passim, quasi pio templi amore defensum venirent. Hæc prima labes malorum. Hinc oppressa est paucorum mansuetudo per plurimorum insolentiam: hinc itum in caedes, cum minus parceret alienus: binc conspiratum, tit tegis solemnia negligerentur, sacerdotia a bonis ad improbos derivarentur, quod hominibus non solum a pio Cultu, sed ab ipsa legis cognitione peregrinis, quod sanctum esset, ignorabatur. Vincti sunt primo regali genere viri qui resistebant, quo cæteri metu cederent: deinde necati; et ut flagitium vetaretur, qnos sine judicio peremerant, missis in carcerem sicariis, eosque afficto crimine proditionis interemptos, ementiebantur. Pertracti itaque universi metu, quod homines potentes atque innoxii Antipas. Lchias et Phoras tam facile oppressi forent, quod nec jam audebant resistere. Hinc eo processum, ut ignobiles atque indignos substituerent sacerdotum principes: ut quibus nulla emerendi honoris gratia suffragabatur, ii contra meritum suum adepti sacerdotia, ad omne nefas conterentium arbitrio subjicerentur: sed cum obviarent sacerdotales viri, et maxime Ananus caeteris senior, ne per gratiam donaretur summi nominis prærogativa, sortito creari principem sacerdotem eXpetunt, in quo nibil gratiæ, sed divino judicio commiti sortis eventus aestimaretur. Et revera pr;etendebant veterem consuetudinem, qua substituendos in sacerdotii principatum mos erat ad sortem vocari: evidenter autem solutionem legis operabantur. Cum enim lex sacerdotalis successionis viros ad sortem legeret, illi ad speciem de sacerdotalibus tribubus unum, a Enachum nomine, praesentem statuunt, et ad sortem agi praecipiunt. Tunc Phanis quidam sorte exiit, filius Samuelis, incanus vir, cui non modo per principes sacerdotum ducta successio nulla suppeditaret, sed ne ulla quidem scientia muneris sacerdotalis, eo quod ruri vacaret: et ideo, quod esset princeps sacerdotum, incognitum habebat. Denique attracto cx agris, ct reluctanti quasi in scena b alia persona imponitur, induitur quoque sacrarum veteri more amictum vestium. Docetur in tempore, quid eum facere oporteret. Ita sortis eventu exposita est nequitia seditiosorum, ut ad imperitum agrestem tanti sacerdotii Junctio deduceretur. Sed illis ludibrio erat circumscriptio veteris solemnitatis, sacerdotibus dolori: qui irrideri legem a perditis nentes ingemiscebant. ipsi tamen freti pietatis auctoritate et bonorum indignatione congregant sese, ct super perturbatores irruunt. At illi cum ct causæ et numero dissiderent, ad temptum quasi in arcem contugienles, velut castrum quoddam sibi constitucrunt, ad repellendam irruentis populi multitudinem. Ac primo ante fores templi atqne in ipso vestibulo siti, adversum populum præliabantur: si quis vulneratus fuerat, interiora templi petebat, illic sanguinem suum fundens interno limini, et cruenta pavimen' tis sauciosiora detergens ulcera fibræquc patentis vulneris, vestibus his, quas non liceret illis contingere, fovebantur. Bellum erat intra urbem, bellum inter cives, bellum ante templum: ne hoc quidem reveriti latrones, cmn a populo instantius perurgerentur; intra ipsum templum sese rcceperunt, et clausere illico fores. Quo objectu revocatus est Ananus; ne videretur bellum templo inferre, et sacratas religione majorum perrumpere fores templi, reflexit impetum plebis. et sex millia virorum in porticibus constituit, qui muniti armis prætenderent, sollicitam adhibentes custodiam. Paulatim tamen mollivit animum, ut paci consuleretur, eo studio maxime, ne templum sanguis civium contaminaret: suaderet quoque mittendam legationem, pacis sequestram, ut bellum intestinum deponeretur. Adsciscitur Joannes ad exsequendam legationem, suspectæ fidei vir, et affectandæ potentiae succensus cupiditate: sacramentum petitur: non ab. nuit ne damnum perjurii pateretur, si negasset. Simulabat so plebi favere, ut circumscriberet, Quid plura? Pergit, de pace pauca praemittit, plura 5ubtexit ad belli incentivum: dicens notnine pacis. bellum involutum, latere insidias, Ananum Romanis urbem tradere, quo solennitas veterum dissolveretur, legis abrogarentur præcepta, componens e diverso omnia; atque invidiam in principem sacerdomm referens eorum, qum ipse lneditaretur. Callide etiam, quos sciebat illorum qui conclusi erant, esse praesules et factionis principes, incitabat, parere mortis formidine Asserens, quod ipsis specialiter Ananus exitium composuisset: vcnisse se, utfraudem manifestaret. Mature subsidia quaerenda, prius quam ab eis poena reposceretur. Quid plura i pacis medius bellum accendit. Eliguntur qui Idumæos ad praelium rogent: genus mobile, inquietum, insolens, promptum ad discordias, rerum immutationibus lætum, periculi improvidum, praeceps ad prælium. Itaque sine mora flexi veniunt, congregantur viginti millia virorum, ut pote nullis intenta terrarum cultibus, sed parata latrociniis. Nec latere potuit Ananum adventus Idumæorum. Denique portam claudi jubet, ne cum tumultu ingrederentur: sed si fieri posset veritatem cognoscerent, bello renuntiarent.

John, fleeing from the parts of Galilee, as we said above, made his way to the city of Jerusalem; and like a kind of plague he infected the minds of many, the ringleaders of crimes who had flowed there from different regions as into a sewer. For this was a greater cause of destruction for that city: that what the desperate men gave to their own crimes, gathering many in one place where they believed they would be either safer or freer to heap up crimes, was thought to be given to faith. So they were received everywhere, as though they had come out of devout love for the temple to defend it. This was the first stain of the evils. From this the gentleness of the few was crushed by the insolence of the many; from this they went on to murders, since a stranger spared less; from this they conspired that the solemn rites of the law should be neglected and the priesthoods transferred from the good to the wicked, because what was holy was unknown to men who were strangers not only to devout worship but to the very knowledge of the law. First men of royal family who resisted were put in chains, so that the rest would yield out of fear; then they were killed; and to cover up the outrage, they falsely claimed that those they had put to death without trial, by sending assassins into the prison, had been killed on a trumped-up charge of treason. So everyone was carried away by fear, because powerful and innocent men, Antipas, Levias and Sophas, had been crushed so easily, so that no one dared to resist any longer. From there it went so far that they appointed base and unworthy men as chief priests, so that men whom no claim of merit to the honor supported, having obtained the priesthood against their deserts, would be subject to every crime at the will of the conspirators. But when the priestly men opposed this, and especially Ananus, the eldest of the rest, they demanded, so that the prerogative of the highest title should not be granted by favor, that a high priest be created by lot, in which nothing would be thought due to favor, but the outcome of the lot would be thought committed to divine judgment. And in truth they pretended an old custom, by which it was the practice that those to be appointed to the high priesthood should be called to the lot; but in fact they were bringing about the dissolution of the law. For whereas the law of priestly succession chose men by lot, they, for appearance' sake, set up one man from the priestly tribes, named Enachus, as present, and ordered the lot to be cast. Then a certain Phannias, son of Samuel, came out by lot, a rustic man, to whom not only no succession descending through the chief priests gave a claim, but not even any knowledge of the priestly office, since he spent his time in the country; and therefore he did not even know what being high priest was. At length he was dragged from the fields and, against his will, as though on a stage another character was put on him; he was also dressed in the robe of the sacred vestments in the ancient manner, and was taught on the spot what he was to do. So the wickedness of the rebels was exposed by the outcome of the lot, so that the office of so great a priesthood was brought down to an unskilled peasant. But to them the cheating of the ancient solemnity was a joke; to the priests it was a grief, and they groaned to see the law mocked by desperate men. Yet relying on the authority of piety and on the indignation of good men, they gathered themselves together and fell upon the disturbers. But since these were outmatched both in their cause and in numbers, they fled to the temple as to a citadel and made it a kind of fortress for themselves, to repel the multitude of the people who were attacking. And at first, posted before the doors of the temple and in the forecourt itself, they fought against the people; if anyone was wounded, he made for the inner parts of the temple, shedding his blood there on the inner threshold, and wiping his more severely wounded sores, bloody from the pavements, and the flesh of the open wound, they nursed them with the garments they were not permitted to touch. There was war within the city, war between citizens, war before the temple. Not even this did the robbers respect: when the people pressed them harder, they withdrew into the temple itself and at once shut the doors. By this barrier Ananus was held back; so as not to seem to make war on the temple and break open the doors of the temple consecrated by the religion of our forefathers, he turned back the attack of the people, and stationed six thousand men in the porticoes, armed, to stand guard and keep watchful custody. Little by little, however, he softened his mind toward seeking peace, chiefly out of zeal that the blood of citizens should not defile the temple; he also urged that an embassy be sent as mediator of peace, so that the civil war might be laid aside. John was taken on to carry out the embassy, a man of suspect loyalty, burning with the desire to seize power. An oath was demanded of him; he did not refuse, lest he suffer harm by refusing, though at the cost of perjury. He pretended to favor the people so as to deceive them. What more? He goes, says a little about peace by way of preface, and adds much more to incite war, saying that war was wrapped up in the name of peace, that a plot lay hidden, that Ananus was handing the city over to the Romans so that the solemn rites of the ancients would be dissolved and the precepts of the law abrogated, inventing everything in the opposite sense, and turning onto the chief priest the odium of what he himself was planning. Cunningly too he incited those he knew to be the leaders and heads of the faction among the men shut in, working on their fear of death and asserting that Ananus had planned destruction for them in particular; he had come, he said, to expose the fraud. Help must be sought quickly, before the penalty was exacted from them by the others. What more? In the midst of peace he kindled war. Men are chosen to ask the Idumaeans to battle: a fickle, restless, insolent race, ready for discord, glad of revolution, heedless of danger, headlong to battle. And so, won over without delay, they come; twenty thousand men are gathered, since they were not occupied with farming the land but ready for robbery. The coming of the Idumaeans could not escape Ananus. So he ordered the gate to be shut, so that they would not enter with tumult, but, if possible, would learn the truth and renounce war.

Notes and citation

Summary: John reaches Jerusalem; the Zealots murder leading men, choose a rustic high priest by lot, seize the temple, and through John's treachery summon the Idumaeans.

  • Follows J.W. 4.3.1–4.4.1 freely. The names of the murdered men are garbled in the digital text ("Antipas. Lchias et Phoras"); Josephus names Antipas, Levias and Sophas. "Enachum" stands for Eniachin, the clan from which Josephus says the lot was drawn. The sentence on the wounded nursing themselves with the sacred garments is obscure in the digital text; translated by sense. The hostile portrayal of the Zealots is the author's (following Josephus); translated as written.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.3 (Josephus (works); allusion); Josephus, J.W. 4.4 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.6 (PL 15:2093b–2094b; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-6). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.7PL 15:2094b–2095c

Ascendentes itaque principes sacerdotum murum, Idumæos de turri alloquebantur: maximo esse miraculo sibi, quod tam cito irretiti Inendaciis, causas quas nondum cognoverant, armis prosequerentur: cum oportuerit ens prius disceptatores esse negotiorum, quan bellorum præliatores: et prae cæteris merita cognoscere, quam arma sumere: et arma adversum viros sui generis, sui cultus, suæ solemnitatis nullis amplius irrogatum injuriæ quam Idumæis, qui ad societatem flagitiorum iam giavium concitarenlur. Quid enim aliud ab bis, nisi parricidium adversum cives, sacrilegium adversus templum deposceretur? non solere diversa inter se studia, diversosque mores cOflvenjre.;imilitudo enirn morum facit volulntatum societatem, et cognata studia sibi nectit, Nequissimos homines qui latrocinio sumptum exercerent suum, arrogasse sibi ut Idumæos sibi socias accerserent: tantum abhorrentes ab corum proposito, a quibus rogarentur, ut illi parsuae bellurl) intulerint; vos vero obsecraverint, quasi alienam urbem defensum venire. Nihil vobis commune innoxiis cum prædonibus: nihil commune sobriis cum se inebriantibus:utinamque viui esset illo ebrietas, et non furoris. Qni ubi se Oagitiis in. gurgilarunL, dissipando proprias successiones, diripiunt aliena; et male parta nequius dissipant, delerins effundunt. Nullus rapiendi finis, quia pullus abliguriendi modus. Ubi se vino infuderint et impleverint ebrietate, publicorum eructant crapulam negotiorum, ut nostro rursus sanguine inebrientur,et sacræ illudant religioni, quae vobis semper vencrationi atque reverentiæ adruit. Fugite igitur cœtus parricidales, et lUSUS sacrilegos destituite, descrite latronum conciliabula. Vocati estis ad cousortium sceleris, venitis ad remedium patria:. Videmus ornatissimum populum, quem ven're decuit pu. blico rogatum consilio, ut urbi JudaEorum præstan- Lissimæ (quæ totius gentis metropolis habeatur adversum hostes anxilio foret. Sed etsi nos defuimus petitioni, dum pacen. speravimus, et fatigure vos b propere voluiluui, qui excitatoribus belli picem offerebamus: tamen vos quasi divino arbitrio veneritis, consulite in medium, et exhibete partis utriusque arbitros. Quærite uude coeperunt exordia tumultus, qui cecinerint quietæ urbi classicum, gui effuderint præstantissimorum civium sanguinem, quibus auctoribus poena exacta de indemnatis sit: qui nohis ante Romanos exitio fuerint adversum illos bellum parabamus, et hos jam hostes patiebamur: quorum igitur cum Romanis suspecta gratia? eorum qui Romanos vindicant, an eorum qui Romanos repellunt? Graviora hæc certe nohis, quam Romanorum prælia: ab illis enim pro libertate marilnur, ab istis quasi pro scelere jugulamur. Slmulanturinnoxii criminum proditionis, ei pust mortem calumnia componitur: cum cognitio poenam prævenire soleat, nou paena cognitionem. Quid enim prodest defuncto absolvi, cum judicio jam nihil debeat? Suscepimus tamen etiam sortem hujusmodi. ut post necem de innocentia quæratur: et libenter apud vos quoque causam agimus nostrae defunctorumque integritatis, qui statis armati pro adversariis: ita nulla argumenta calumniantibus suppetunt, IIi apid vos qnoque graviorem causam habeant, clui tan cito credidistis: bonus enhn judex circumseptum se esse mendaciis dolet, et eo est fallenti infestior, quam appetitior. c quod temere se impulsum, ut falsis crederet, ulciscendum arbitratur. Igitur nobis integrum examen servale, et colligite veritatem, non ex conlelione verborum, sed ex serie negoliorum. Primo omnium, cur Romanis proderemus patriam, quos potuimus et non lacessere, et forte oportuit fieri, ut nou excitaremus universarum victores gentium: sed hoc non est jan præsentium partium deliberare. Superiorisfuit temporis eligere, quid sequeremur: nunc oporlet pro libertate occumhere: præstat enim pro patria mori. Commodius tuit an bellum pacem morti præferre: sed quia bellum in cervicibus, multi jam fratribus capti,alii necati aliis dolor ex mortuis, gemitus ex revinctis:eligenda magis libera mors, quam vita captivitatis. Suppetit tamen morituris, falsi criminis abolere infamiam proditionis. Apud vos, vos, Idumæi, causam agimus: prodantur conscii, deducantur in medium nuntiorum interpretes. Si tenent, vindices prodant: si non tenent qui accusant, et vanis insumudant Suspicionibus quas ipsi sibi composuerint, non debent arguere, quod non possunt probare. Sed quia accusare non audent, dissipare per vulgus de-, siderant: e' ideo ad bellum prosiliunt, ne in judicium vocentur. In bello enim contentus furor est, in pace veritatis eXaminatio. Adsumus: en primis suppliciis nos spontanei offerimus, si tamen aliquis accusator prodeat; aut si in popuhnn invidia torquetur, quærite diligentius quid consilii fuerit in cœtu publico. Nonne ut bello instructa pararentur agnima, aut pro libertate unusquisque patriam juvaret? Adversus ipsos certe latrones quid deliberatum fuerat, nisi ut pax conveniret? Exasperaverat publicam indignationem dolor singulorum, innocentium sanguis, mulierum genailus, paternorum statutorum prævaricatio: increpuit gemitus universorum, quia unusquisque sibi similia pertimescebat. Ad indignissimos sacerdotia deferebantur, peti coeperunt vocibus; illi lapidibus plebem cædere, telis necare; exarsit publicus dolor: illi in templo latronum receptacula constituerunt. Itaque pacis locus reverendus etiam gentibus, et domicilium sanctitatis factum est prædonum conciliabulum; et quo ex omnibus terrarum partibus confluebatur ad cultun) festæ celebritatis, ibi nunc stabula quædam ferarum sunt, humano cruore madentia: licet noLis haec quærere, tel armatis sine lege beni. Tamen fuit plerumque inter arma judicium, et justitia deposuit belli instrumenta, compescuit turbas æquitatis sententia. Potestis hæc arma ad defensionem urbis converlere, quæ sumpsistis ad eversionem. Licet euam introire sine annis, audire et percontari omnia: si quod remissum adversus hostem reperi- I tis, proditionem putate. Quod si neque vindices vos, Iteque arbitros exhibere vultis, quid miramini, si portae armatis non aperiuntur9 Non istæ adversum cognatos, sed adversus arma clausæ sunt. Belluo deponite, et portæ patebunt.

So the chief priests climbed the wall and addressed the Idumaeans from a tower: it was a very great wonder to them, they said, that they had so quickly been entangled by lies and were taking up arms over matters they did not yet understand, when they ought first to be judges of the matters in dispute rather than fighters in battles, and before all else to learn the merits of the case rather than take up arms; and arms against men of their own race, their own worship, their own solemnities, who had done no more wrong to the Idumaeans than that the Idumaeans were being stirred to share in grave crimes. For what else was being asked of them but parricide against their fellow citizens and sacrilege against the temple? Different pursuits and different characters are not wont to agree with one another; likeness of character makes a fellowship of wills, and kindred pursuits bind themselves together. Most wicked men, who made their living by robbery, had presumed to summon the Idumaeans as their allies: so far apart from the purpose of those by whom they were asked that “they made war on their own people, but begged you to come and defend a city not your own, as it were. You have nothing in common, innocent men, with robbers; nothing in common, sober men, with those who make themselves drunk. Would that their drunkenness were of wine and not of madness! When they have gorged themselves on crimes, squandering their own inheritances, they plunder what belongs to others, and what they have wickedly got they squander more wickedly still, and pour it out in their madness. There is no end to their plundering, because there is no limit to their gluttony. When they have filled themselves with wine and are full of drunkenness, they belch out the surfeit of public affairs, so as to get drunk again on our blood and to mock the sacred religion that has always been an object of veneration and reverence for you. Flee therefore these parricidal gatherings, abandon these sacrilegious games, forsake the assemblies of robbers. You were called to a partnership in crime; you have come as a remedy for your homeland. We see a most distinguished people whom it would have been fitting to come at the request of the public council, to help against the enemy the most eminent city of the Jews, which is held to be the mother city of the whole nation. But even if we failed to ask you while we hoped for peace, and were unwilling to trouble you in haste, since we were offering peace to those who were stirring up war, nevertheless, since you have come as if by divine decision, consider the matter openly and show yourselves judges for both sides. Ask where the beginnings of the uproar came from; who sounded the trumpet to a quiet city; who shed the blood of the most eminent citizens; on whose authority punishment was exacted from men uncondemned; who were our ruin before the Romans. We were preparing war against the Romans, and we were already suffering these men as enemies. Whose friendship with the Romans, then, is suspect? That of those who avenge the Romans, or of those who drive the Romans back? These things are certainly heavier to us than the battles of the Romans: by the Romans we are killed for liberty; by these men we are butchered as if for a crime. Innocent men are falsely charged with treason, and the slander is invented after their death, when a hearing is wont to come before the penalty, not the penalty before the hearing. For what does it profit a dead man to be acquitted, when he owes nothing any longer to the court? Yet we have accepted even this kind of lot, that the question of innocence is raised after the murder; and we gladly plead before you too the cause of our own integrity and that of the dead, before you who stand in arms for our adversaries: so little evidence do the slanderers have that before you too they may have a heavier case, because you believed so quickly. For a good judge grieves to have been surrounded by lies, and is the more hostile to the deceiver the more he was eager, because he thinks he must avenge the fact that he was rashly driven to believe falsehoods. Keep, then, a full hearing for us, and gather the truth not from a heap of words but from the course of events. First of all, why should we betray our homeland to the Romans, when we could have avoided provoking them, and perhaps it ought to have been so, that we did not arouse the conquerors of all nations? But it is not for the present parties to deliberate about this. It belonged to an earlier time to choose what course we would follow; now we must die for liberty, for it is better to die for one's homeland. It would have been more advantageous to prefer peace to war and death; but since war is upon our necks, many of our brothers already captured, others killed, grief for the dead, groaning for those in chains, a free death is rather to be chosen than a life of captivity. Yet it is still open to those about to die to wipe out the disgrace of a false charge of treason. Before you, before you, Idumaeans, we plead our cause: let the accomplices be produced; let the messengers who carried the news be brought forward. If they hold them, let the avengers produce them; if those who accuse do not hold them, and invent charges out of empty suspicions which they have made up for themselves, they ought not to charge what they cannot prove. But since they do not dare to accuse, they want to spread it among the people; and therefore they leap into war so as not to be called to judgment. For in war fury is content; in peace there is examination of the truth. Here we are: see, we offer ourselves of our own accord for the first punishments, if only some accuser comes forward; or if ill will is being stirred against the people, inquire more carefully what was decided in the public assembly. Was it not that armies be prepared and equipped for war, or that each man help his homeland for the sake of liberty? Against these very robbers, certainly, what had been decided except that peace should be agreed? The grief of individuals had sharpened public indignation: the blood of the innocent, the groaning of women, the transgression of the statutes of our fathers. The groaning of all rang out, because each feared the same for himself. The priesthoods were being given to the most unworthy; people began to protest aloud; those men began to strike the people with stones and kill them with weapons; public grief blazed up; they made the temple a den of robbers. So the place of peace, revered even by the Gentiles, the dwelling of holiness, has become a meeting place of bandits; and where men flocked from every part of the earth to the worship of the festal celebration, there now are, as it were, dens of wild beasts, wet with human blood. Granted that it is not for us to inquire into these things, nor for armed men to be without law; yet there has often been judgment amid arms, and justice has laid down the instruments of war, and the sentence of equity has calmed the mobs. You can turn these arms to the defense of the city, which you took up for its overthrow. You may even come in without arms, hear and inquire into everything: if you find anything slackened against the enemy, consider it treason. But if you wish to show yourselves neither avengers nor judges, why do you wonder that the gates are not opened to armed men? They are shut not against kinsmen but against arms. Lay down arms, and the gates will be open.”

Matt 21:13 (echo, low confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The chief priests appeal from the wall to the Idumaeans to judge the case fairly, denying the charge of treason and blaming the Zealots for profaning the temple.

  • A reworking of the speech of Jesus son of Gamala in J.W. 4.4.3. "Made the temple a den of robbers" may echo Matt 21:13 (Jer 7:11), though the author is following Josephus's narrative. Many OCR slips; translated by sense.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.4 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.7 (PL 15:2094b–2095c; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-7). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.8PL 15:2095c–2095a

Hæc ubi sacerdotes lOCUli sunt, et maxime Jesus caeteris senior, post Ananum tamen qui secundo loco fungebatur, indignantibus Idumaeis, quod non continuo urbe recepti forent: Sinon unus de ducibus Idumæorum: Minime, inquit, mirum, si cives sæviunt, et clausos tenent qui nationi sociae portas clausere, et nou patiuntur consortes et participes suos ingredi: nobis de muro loquuntur, et quasi adversarios muris repellunt quos amicos habebant. Quis dubitet quod parent suscipere Romanos et forte Coronare portas, quando illi ingredientur 1 quae major injuria? Patere nempe omnibus hominibus ista civitas solet causa cultus et observantiæ: nolis solis intercluditur, quasi hostibus, soli ahdicamur, suli repellimur. Simulant se nostrum petere jud!- cium, quos ne limine quidem dignos urbis putarunt. Lateant quæ adversum illos gesserunt: nostræ injuriae testes et judices sumus, Advertimus quid clausi patiantur, quando nos arma jubemur deponere: et credibile esse potest, quod eorum exspectetur sententia, quorum suspecta est fides? Festinemus itaque eripere clausos, quibus templum carcer est factum, ne serventur usque ad adventum exercitus Romani, et captivi tradantur Vespasiano. Aurern- DIUS a templo obsidionem, custodes teterrimos removeamus, qui neminem vel ad purgandam alvum egredi sinunt. Si quis introferre cibum clausis desiderat. prohibetur; si quis exire, ad mortem rapitur: crimen factum est cultus religionis.

When the priests had said these things, and especially Jesus, the eldest of the rest after Ananus, who held the second place, the Idumaeans were indignant that they had not at once been received into the city; and Simon, one of the leaders of the Idumaeans, said: “It is no wonder at all if citizens rage and keep shut in the men who have shut the gates against an allied nation and do not allow their own partners and associates to enter. They speak to us from the wall, and drive back with walls, as if adversaries, those whom they used to have as friends. Who would doubt that they are preparing to receive the Romans, and perhaps to garland the gates when they enter? What greater injury is there? This city is surely wont to stand open to all men for the sake of worship and religious observance; to us alone it is closed, as if to enemies; we alone are disowned, we alone are driven back. They pretend to ask for our judgment, though they did not think us worthy even of the threshold of the city. Let what they have done against those men remain hidden; of our own injury we are witnesses and judges. We perceive what those shut in suffer, when we are ordered to lay down our arms. And can it be believed that the verdict is awaited of men whose loyalty is suspect? Let us hasten, then, to rescue those shut in, for whom the temple has been made a prison, so that they are not kept until the coming of the Roman army and handed over as captives to Vespasian. Let us remove the siege from the temple, let us remove the foulest of guards, who do not allow anyone to go out even to relieve his bowels. If anyone wishes to bring food in to those shut up, he is prevented; if anyone wishes to go out, he is dragged off to death: the practice of religion has become a crime.”

Notes and citation

Summary: Simon, a leader of the Idumaeans, angrily rejects the priests' appeal and urges his men to free those besieged in the temple.

  • Follows J.W. 4.4.4, where the Idumaean speaker is Simon son of Cathlas. "Aurern- DIUS" in the digital text is read as auferamus, "let us remove".

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.4 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.8 (PL 15:2095c–2095a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-8). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.9PL 15:2095a–2096c

Hæc audiens cessit A Joannes, considerans adversa Dei voluntate frustra sese obniti: quandoquiden1 domi forisque hostilia streperent agmina, et gcmina ex parte civitas oppugnaretur. Fremebant Idumæi quod excluderentur. Machinabantur in templo siti, quomodo jungerentur Idumeis: bos angebat metus, lie Idumæi ante effectum abirent: illis extorquebat pudor propositum regrediendi. Et jam pene obrepserat diffidentia, cum subito nocte oritur procella intolerahilis, tempestas atra, fremunt venti, cœlum inhorrescit, vis imbrium multa v infunditur, terribiles coruscationes, tonitrua immania, terrarum mugitus, ut solvi mundus æstimaretur. Quis crede. ret plus nocuisse istud intra urbem positis, quam extra urbem degentibus? cum unique hi tectis muniti forent, illi objecti ad imbres: sed amplius terruit injuriae metus, quam ipsa injuria. Denique illi rui nulla habebaut refugia tectorum, clypeis sese tegebant manentes in officio, nec dilabentes: ist circa domos suas quisque dispersi, locum dcderunt, ut ab his qui intra templum erant, portæ aperirentur. Anceps tamen et diversa populi sententia. Alii Deum summum indignantem Idumæis. tempestates movisse arbitrabantur, quod adversum participes suos armati venerant: Auanus et profundiora seniorum ingenia, conjectAbant Idumæos injuria sui amplius excitari in sociarum perniciem. Denique sollicitior caeteris noctibus, Ananus illa nocte non ratigatione corporis, sed animi magis desperatione c solutus, cessit rebus adversum se Ouctuaulibus, ct militantibus in excidium suum mundi procellis: nec revisendas putavit custodias, quasi daret auctoritatem dilabendi, qno cuique esset sententia. Qvam occasionem nacti qui in templum refugerant, surgentes secuerunt vectes portarum. Cooperatus est illis fragor cœli, ut serarum sunus non audiretur, et tumultus cgredienlium. Deinde venientes ad murum, portam quae vicina erat Idumæorum cœtibus, reseravere. Ultimus ille dies universo populo fuisset, bi non ad templum prius quam urbis d signum dirigendum putassent. Sed quia metuentes sibi, qui intra templum clausi tenebantur, ne cognito Ingressu idumaeorum, in ipsos circulufusæ plebis iun petus fieret, ilL vindictam morituri exposceret, rogaverunt, ut ipsi primitus a cladi eximerentur: tunc postea liberatis ipsis, et conjunctis viribus, in populum efrullderentur. DeOexere ad eos qui legatos miserant oratum auxilia saluti, simul ut insperalæ merces irruptionis, auctoribus ejus hoc munere potissimum rependerent. Quod ubi processit ex sententia, simul omnes a templo quasi quodam castro effusi, extenta acie quoscumque repererant dormientes alios, perterritos alios, totis caedebant viis. Nihil proderant preces, nihil lacrymae, nil insignia honoris, nullorum meritorum gratia, omnes passim Jugulabantur. Denique videntes bestialem in persequentibus immanitatem, quod nulli parceretur, ipsi sese illaquebant miserabiliorc (ut mihi vtdetur) elitu, quam si ab hoste perimerentur: quia voluntaria mors immanitati ascribitur, informis laquei nodus eliam probro datur. Sed quis consilio locus, ubi tantus erat metus suppliciorum, cum metueret unusquisque non morten., sed cruciatus ante mortem, quibus mors remedio foret? Redundabat b undique sanguis, et maxime circa templum: qnia ibi congregati erant, qui clausos custodiebant. Reperta itaque illo die caesorum octo millia quingenti viri. Inde conversi ad urbem, sicut gregem quemdam pecorum, ita homines, quoscumque obvios habuere, interimebant. Erat miserabile spectaculum, intra urbem omnibus ante reverendam, bellum geri, perniciem injustam pauperibus ac debilibus inferri. Sane juvenes ac validiores in carcerem retrudebantur, quos factioni idoneos arbitrabantur; sed magna vir tute plerique omnia supplicia malebant subire, quam ut perditis sociarentur. Nec modus erat ullus, nec pndor: ita furebat rabies immanitalis.Post ubi defuerc visi processu temporis,causas sibi simulare cæperunt perimendorum, quo ad judicia reos ducerent, non ut requireretur justitia, sed ut crudelitas excitaretur.

Hearing this, John gave way, considering that it was useless to struggle against the adverse will of God, since hostile armies were roaring at home and abroad, and the city was being attacked from two sides. The Idumaeans chafed at being shut out. Those stationed in the temple were scheming how they might join the Idumaeans; they were tormented by fear that the Idumaeans might leave before the deed was done, while shame wrung from the Idumaeans their intention of going back. And distrust had almost crept in, when suddenly in the night an unbearable storm arose: black tempest, roaring winds, the sky bristling, a great force of rain pouring down, terrible flashes of lightning, monstrous thunder, the earth bellowing, so that it was thought the world was being dissolved. Who would believe that this did more harm to those inside the city than to those staying outside? For the former were everywhere protected by roofs, the latter exposed to the rain; but the fear of harm frightened more than the harm itself. Indeed those who had no shelter of roofs covered themselves with their shields, staying at their posts and not slipping away; while the others, scattered each around his own house, gave room for the gates to be opened by those who were in the temple. Yet the people's opinion was divided and uncertain. Some thought that the most high God, angry with the Idumaeans, had stirred up the storms, because they had come armed against their own kin; Ananus and the deeper minds of the elders conjectured that the Idumaeans would be stirred the more by their hardship to the destruction of their allies. In the end Ananus, more anxious than on other nights, was overcome that night not by bodily weariness but rather by despair of mind; he gave way to affairs that were surging against him and to the storms of the world fighting for his ruin, and did not think he should inspect the guards, as though giving leave to slip away wherever each man pleased. Seizing this opportunity, those who had taken refuge in the temple rose and sawed through the bars of the gates. The crashing of the sky worked with them, so that the sound of the bolts and the noise of men going out was not heard. Then coming to the wall, they unbarred the gate next to the bands of the Idumaeans. That would have been the last day for the whole people, if they had not thought they must make first for the temple rather than for the city. But because those who were kept shut up within the temple feared for themselves, lest, when the entry of the Idumaeans was known, the attack of the people surrounding them should fall on them, and the vengeance of men about to die should demand them, they asked that they themselves first be rescued from destruction, and then, once freed and with forces joined, they would pour out upon the people. The Idumaeans turned aside to those who had sent envoys to beg help for their safety, so that they might repay the authors of this unhoped-for irruption above all with this service. When this went according to plan, all of them together poured out of the temple as from a kind of fortress, and with their line extended cut down whomever they found in all the streets, some asleep, some terrified. Prayers did nothing, tears did nothing, nor badges of honor, nor the regard due to any merit; all were butchered everywhere. At last, seeing the beastly savagery of the pursuers, since no one was spared, some strangled themselves, by a more miserable end, as it seems to me, than if they had been killed by the enemy: for a voluntary death is ascribed to savagery, and the ugly knot of the noose is also counted a disgrace. But what room was there for deliberation, where the fear of torments was so great, when each man feared not death but tortures before death, from which death would be a relief? Blood overflowed everywhere, and above all around the temple, because those who had been guarding the men shut in were gathered there. On that day eight thousand five hundred men were found slain. Then turning to the city, they killed whatever men they met, like a flock of cattle. It was a pitiable sight: war waged inside the city once revered by all, unjust ruin brought on the poor and the weak. The young and the stronger, indeed, whom they thought fit for their faction, were thrust into prison; but many, with great courage, preferred to undergo every torment rather than join the desperate men. There was no limit, no shame: so raged the madness of savagery. Later, when in course of time victims ran short, they began to invent grounds for putting men to death, so as to bring the accused to trial, not that justice might be sought but that cruelty might be stirred up.

Notes and citation

Summary: Under cover of a violent storm the Zealots let the Idumaeans into Jerusalem, and together they massacre the guards and many citizens.

  • Follows J.W. 4.4.5–4.5.3 freely; Josephus does not here say that John gave way. The sentence about the Idumaeans turning aside ("DeOexere" = deflexere) is obscure in the digital text; translated by sense.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.4 (Josephus (works); allusion); Josephus, J.W. 4.5 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.9 (PL 15:2095a–2096c; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-9). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.10PL 15:2096c–2096a

Erat in civitate Zacharias, qui odisset improbos, nec se misceret flagitiosis, dives opum, quarum illi abundantiam, vel ad dissolvendam factionem suam efficacem opinabantur, vel ad prædam sibi uberem: hunc proditionis crimine c accersendum putarunt. At ille ab hujusmodi integer conscientia, adesse sibi coepit cum libertate, ut non solum di-, lueret objecta, verum etiam reos ipsos maximorum astrueret flagitiorum: apud septuaginta viros d!cebatur negotium. Absolvunt orunes, quia nihil, quod affine esset sceleri, proferebatur. Verum illi!rruentes, et ipsum præcipitant in profundum, et perturbant judices, non solum cum injuria, sed etiam cum periculo: ut corum exemplo caeteri in reliquum caverent, constantiam in judicando adversa eorum voluntate assumere. Rursus tamen ne quis absolveretur, ipsi irarum suarum exsecutores, quos libitum erat, sine judicio necabant. Caesus Gorgon, vir gratus et amabilis: Niger PereiLes, qui inter propugnatores Judææ ad tuendam rei summam fuerat electus bellator vir, ut etiam vulnerum cicatricibus virtutis insignia præferret, rapitur ad mortem: et cum se extra urbem duci videret, non jam pro vita, sed pro sepultura coepit rogare. Ac ne hujus quidem tam miserabilis petitionis responsum accepit conveniens miscricordiæ. Fingebantur calumniæ: si quis se redimebat, innocens erat: qui non offerebat pecuniam, tamquam reus feriebatur.

There was in the city a certain Zacharias, who hated the wicked and did not mix with criminals, rich in means, whose abundance they thought would either be effective in breaking up their faction or a rich plunder for themselves. They decided to summon him on a charge of treason. But he, with a conscience clear of such things, began to defend himself with freedom, so that he not only refuted the charges but also proved his accusers themselves guilty of the greatest crimes. The case was pleaded before seventy men. They all acquitted him, because nothing akin to a crime was brought forward. But the Zealots rushed in, threw him down into the depth, and threw the judges into confusion, not only with insult but also with danger, so that by their example the rest would beware in future of showing firmness in judging against their will. Again, so that no one would be acquitted, they themselves became the executors of their own anger and killed without trial whomever they pleased. Gorion was slain, a man pleasing and beloved; Niger of Peraea, who had been chosen among the defenders of Judea to guard the whole cause, a warrior who even bore the marks of his valor in the scars of his wounds, was dragged off to death. And when he saw that he was being led out of the city, he began to plead no longer for his life but for burial. And not even to this so pitiable a request did he receive an answer befitting mercy. False charges were invented: if a man bought himself off, he was innocent; whoever did not offer money was struck down as guilty.

Notes and citation

Summary: The Zealots murder Zacharias after his acquittal by seventy judges, and kill Gorion and Niger of Peraea.

  • Follows J.W. 4.5.4 and 4.6.1. Zacharias is Zacharias son of Baris in Josephus; "Gorgon" in the digital text is Gorion.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.5 (Josephus (works); allusion); Josephus, J.W. 4.6 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.10 (PL 15:2096c–2096a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-10). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.11PL 15:2096a–2097a

Dnm hæc Hierosolymis aguntur, Vespasianus interea partes alias gentis Judææ debellabat. Pervenit ad eum, quae seditio esset Hierosolymis, quas domesticis præliis neces sibi ipsi irrogavissent, quae supplicia civium exacta a civibus: hortari plerique, ut eo pergeret, ne quid triumpho Romano et suae gloriæ decerpereiur. At ille moderatus et providus vir, qui non id quod ex usu vulgi accommodum d existimaret sed quod altiore consilio rei summae, conducere arbitraretur, referre illa suadenLibus cœpit: Non semper præliis juvari rempublicam, sed plerumque etiam armis depositis taudem parari, et debitum patriæ solvi. Quid interest, quomodo vincatur hostis, nostrone an suo ferro? nisi quod suo sine Romana invidia prosternitur. Non enim possunt de nobis queri, cum se ipsi consauciaverint: simul quam justa nobis bella moverint, significant, quando nec ipsi sibi parcunt: vindictam uane de caelo videri, ut furore insaniant qui Romanos tacessiverint. Sed si quis derogari aliquid gloriæ nostra: asserit, cognoscat praeponderare s:rpe remedium cum silentio, quam prælium cum periculo. Dentque noster Maximus cunctando magis fregit Annibalern, quam praeliando. Etsi Scipiones subegerunt Africam, tamen communis bellorum cum multis victoria: Maxirno soli datum, quod cunctando restituerit rempublicam. Plus itaque est servasse Romanum imperium quam propagasse. Æquelnus tamen merita virtutum. Non minora utique in ipso bello sapientiæ commenta sunt, quam insignia fortitudinis. Pereant ergo suis armis: nihil e laudis diminuit, et plurimum victoriae nostræ adjungitur. Nesciunt suos servare, quibus nos parcimus. Quid, quod si imminere coeperimus, fortasse inter se resipiscant, atque in gratiam redeant? quod non vereor, sed adversus vestram sententiam profero: aut si permaneat seditio, vidcantur ipsi sese expugnasse, nihil Romanum egisse exercitum, manus nostras otiosas fuisse. victoriam non virtute nostra, sed hostili internecione inter se paratam. Itaque hoc prudentius consilium, ut absentibus nohis saeviant in exitium sui, ne quis putet eos nostris magis quam suis exer. citos factionibus. Tunc melius appropinquabimus, ubi victor superfuerit, qui nostro accedat triumpho. Certe veniant ad nos, qui fugium suos; inveniant apud nos salutem sibi, quos suorum pestis exagitaverit.

While these things were being done at Jerusalem, Vespasian meanwhile was subduing other parts of the Jewish nation. News reached him of the sedition at Jerusalem, of the slaughters they had inflicted on themselves in civil battles, of the punishments exacted from citizens by citizens. Many urged him to go there, so that nothing might be taken away from the Roman triumph and his own glory. But he, a moderate and far-sighted man, who judged not by what the crowd thought convenient but by what, on deeper counsel, would benefit the whole cause, began to answer those who urged this: the state is not always served by battles, but often it is in the end secured when arms are laid down, and the debt to the homeland is paid. “What difference does it make how the enemy is conquered, by our sword or by his own? Except that by his own he is laid low without any odium against Rome. For they cannot complain of us, since they have wounded one another; at the same time they show how just the wars are that they have stirred against us, when they do not spare even themselves. Vengeance seems to come from heaven, so that those who have provoked the Romans rave in madness. But if anyone asserts that something is taken from our glory, let him know that a remedy with silence often outweighs a battle with danger. Indeed our Maximus broke Hannibal more by delaying than by fighting. Although the Scipios subdued Africa, still victory in wars is shared with many; to Maximus alone was it given that by delaying he restored the state. It is greater, therefore, to have preserved the Roman empire than to have extended it. Yet let us weigh the merits of the virtues equally: in war itself the devices of wisdom are certainly no less than the marks of courage. So let them perish by their own arms: nothing is taken from our praise, and very much is added to our victory. Those whom we spare do not know how to spare their own. What if, when we begin to bear down on them, they perhaps come to their senses among themselves and are reconciled? I do not fear it, but I put it forward against your opinion. Or if the sedition continues, they will seem to have conquered themselves, the Roman army to have done nothing, our hands to have been idle, and the victory to have been won not by our valor but by the enemy's mutual slaughter. So this is the wiser plan: that in our absence they rage to their own destruction, so that no one may think they were worn down by our forces rather than by their own factions. Then we shall do better to approach, when a victor survives to add to our triumph. Certainly let those who flee their own come to us; let those whom the plague of their own people has driven out find safety with us.”

Notes and citation

Summary: Vespasian refuses to march on Jerusalem, arguing that the Jews are destroying themselves and that delay, like Fabius Maximus's, can win more than battle.

  • Follows J.W. 4.6.2, with the Roman example of Fabius Maximus Cunctator added by the author; "by delaying he restored the state" echoes Ennius's famous line on Fabius (Annales).

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.6 (Josephus (works); allusion); Ennius, Ann. (Ennius; echo)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.11 (PL 15:2096a–2097a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-11). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.12PL 15:2097a

Nec fefellit opinio Vespasianum: nam qui poterant pretio se redimere, ut dimitterentur, ad Ro- Inanosconfugiebant. Repleta erant dilabantium strata viarum omnia, omnes semitæ: relaxabantur divites, pauperes interiiciebantur, quibus pecunia deerat ad redemptionem. Multi etiam extra urbem insi* dias et latrocinia pertimescebant, et maxime inopes quibus comitatus deerat. Pari itaque foris et domi proposito sibi periculo, utrobique pernicioso, pler!squc tamen patrii spo sepulcri, mors apud suos tolerabilior aestimabatur.

Nor was Vespasian mistaken in his opinion: for those who could buy themselves off so as to be let go fled to the Romans. All the paved roads and all the paths were full of people slipping away; the rich were released, the poor were killed, since they lacked money for their ransom. Many also feared ambushes and robbers outside the city, especially the poor, who had no escort. So, with an equal danger set before them abroad and at home, deadly in both places, many nonetheless, in the hope of their fathers' tomb, judged death among their own people more bearable.

Notes and citation

Summary: Those who can pay escape to the Romans, while the poor are killed or choose to die at home.

  • Follows J.W. 4.6.3.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.6 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.12 (PL 15:2097a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-12). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.13PL 15:2097a–2097d

Ubi strage maxima populorum, metus in omnes, sparsus, subditos factioni fecit universos. Non conteutus communem cum principibus factionis exercere Joannes potentiam, tyrannidem affectare caepit et parem indignabatur. Destruere itaque aliorum statuta: nihil nisi quod libitum foret, ratum habere: paulatimque sibi adsciscere stipatores: arlifex dolo, quos vellet, et fraude circumvenire, obligare pecunia, terrere potentia, quibus artibus plurimos sibi associaverat. Rursus non deerant, qui vel periculoso studio servitium detrectarent. cum præserHm dominationi assueti, tolerare servitutem nequirent, Decernebant itaque in una urbe tria genera exitialium calamitatum: tyrannides, bellum. setlitiu: quarum unaquaeque pon unam, sed plurimas urbes deleret. Ex tribus tamen levius bellum crat; I et justus hostis tyranno aut factione tolerabilior videbatur. Accessit hisquartum genus sicariorum, qui occupatam tyrannicis motibus aut seditionis tumuttibus urbem videntes, vicina omnia populabantur, et asportabant omnia. Mulieres et parvulos qui laborem itineris, vet sexus vet ætatis infirmitate perpeti non poterant, neci dabant. Septingenti itaque numero perempti: convectatum in castella frumentum: irruebant agris, urbibus, templis, praedas agcbant: necandorum occasio non prætermittebatur: agminis specie latrocinium a excitabant, ptures quam usus habebat latrocinandi. Latrocinii sacvitia bellum acerbabant, sine venia deditionis aut susceptionis indulgentia.

When, by the very great slaughter of the people, fear had spread to all and made everyone subject to the faction, John, not content to exercise power in common with the leaders of the faction, began to aim at tyranny and would not bear an equal. So he overturned the decrees of others; he held nothing valid except what pleased him; little by little he gathered bodyguards about him: skilled in guile at entrapping whom he wished by fraud, binding them with money, terrifying them with power, by which arts he had attached very many to himself. On the other hand there were not lacking those who refused servitude even at the cost of danger, especially since, being accustomed to domination, they could not endure slavery. So in one city three kinds of deadly calamity were contending: tyranny, war, and sedition, each of which could destroy not one city but very many. Of the three, however, war was the lightest, and a lawful enemy seemed more bearable than a tyrant or a faction. To these was added a fourth kind, that of the sicarii, who, seeing the city taken up with tyrannical upheavals and the tumults of sedition, laid waste everything nearby and carried off everything. Women and little children, who could not endure the toil of the journey through the weakness of sex or age, they put to death. So seven hundred were killed; grain was carried off into their fortresses; they fell upon fields, towns and temples and drove off plunder; no opportunity of killing was passed over. Under the appearance of an army they carried on robbery, more of them than the practice of brigandage had ever had. By the savagery of their brigandage they made the war more bitter, with no pardon for surrender and no leniency in receiving it.

Notes and citation

Summary: John aims at sole rule in Jerusalem, while the sicarii plunder and kill throughout the countryside.

  • Follows J.W. 4.7.1–2; the seven hundred killed are those of Engaddi in Josephus.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.7 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.13 (PL 15:2097a–2097d; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-13). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

4.14PL 15:2097d–2097a

Rogatur itaque Vespasianus, ut ad remedium veniat, a quo excidium metuebatur. Contendit Gadaram, ubi opulenti plurimi, qui patrimonii sui causa, magis magisque latronum insidias et incursus pertimescebant; et ideo ad Vespasianum occulte miserant, ut ad se appropinquaret, quo civitas a latronibus erueretur. Adfuit exercitus Romanus, quem videntes Gadarenses, confugiendi votum habebant; sed qua via inexitiabile id sibi atroret, uon repenebant, ne in discedentes insurgeret factio, atque universos deleret. Non praeteriit tamen legatione Gadarensium invitatum Vespasianum, ejus legationis conscium, ut pote urbis primoren1, nomine Dolesum, quem capientes interemerant; atque ulti tnjurjam, egressique urbem, in abdita ct munitiora sese contulerunt; Gadara Romanis tradita: cum ingenti plausu susceptus est Vespasianus. Is continuo ad persequendos qui refugerant, Placidum direxit: ipse revertitur in Caesaream.

So Vespasian is asked to come as a remedy, he from whom destruction had been feared. He hastened to Gadara, where there were very many rich men who, because of their property, feared more and more the plots and raids of the robbers; and therefore they had secretly sent to Vespasian to approach them, so that the city might be rescued from the robbers. The Roman army arrived; seeing it, the people of Gadara wished to flee to it, but they could not find a way to do it without destruction, for fear that the faction would rise against them as they left and destroy them all. Yet it did not escape the faction that Vespasian had been invited by an embassy of the Gadarenes; they seized a man privy to that embassy, one of the leading men of the city, named Dolesus, and killed him; and having avenged their injury, they left the city and betook themselves to hidden and better-fortified places. Gadara was handed over to the Romans, and Vespasian was received with great applause. He at once sent Placidus to pursue those who had fled; he himself returned to Caesarea.

Notes and citation

Summary: Gadara invites Vespasian and surrenders after the rebels kill Dolesus and flee; Placidus is sent after them.

  • Follows J.W. 4.7.3.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 4.7 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 4.14 (PL 15:2097d–2097a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/4-14). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.