Letters 93.6–93.24

Latin text: Goldbacher, CSEL 34, 44, 57 (Latin text: Alois Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57, 1895–1911), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 1 (1886).

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Chapter 93

93.6CSEL 34.2:450–451

Nonne contumacem ancillam data sibi potestate Sara potius affligebat? et utique non eam, quam superius beneficio suo matrem fecerat, crudeliter oderat, sed in ea superbiam salubriter edomabat. non autem ignoras, quod istae duae mulieres Sara et Agar et duo filii earum Isaac et Ismahel pro spiritalibus et carnalibus figurentur; et cum legamus ancillam et filium eius a Sara passos graues molestias. Paulus tamen apostolus dicit, quod ab Ismahele persecutionem sit passus Isaac: Sed sicut tunc, inquit, ille, qui erat secundum carnem. persequebatur eum, qui erat secundum spiritum, ita et nunc, ut, qui possunt, intellegant magis ecclesiam catholicam persecutionem pati superbia et impietate carnalium, quos temporalibus molestiis atque terroribus emendare conatur. quicquid ergo facit uera et legitima mater. etiam si asperum amarumque sentiatur. non malum pro malo reddit, sed bonum disciplinae expellendo malum iniquitatis adponit non odio nocendi sed dilectione sanandi. cum boni et mali eadem faciunt eademque patiuntur, non factis et poenis sed causis utique discernendi sunt. Pharao populum dei duris laboribus adterebat, Moyses eundem populum. impie agentem duris cohercitionibus affligebat; similia fecerunt, sed non similiter prodesse uoluerunt; ille dominatione inflatus, iste dilectione inflammatus est.. Iezabel occidit prophetas, Helias occidit pseudoprophetas; puto, quod diuersa sint merita facientium, diuersa passorum.

Did not Sarah, when the power was given her, rather afflict her stubborn maidservant? And she certainly did not cruelly hate her whom she had earlier made a mother by her own kindness; she was subduing her pride for her good. You are not unaware that these two women, Sarah and Hagar, and their two sons, Isaac and Ishmael, stand for the spiritual and the carnal; and though we read that the maidservant and her son suffered severe trouble from Sarah, the apostle Paul says that Isaac suffered persecution from Ishmael: “But just as then,” he says, “he who was born according to the flesh persecuted him who was born according to the Spirit, so it is now”, so that those who can may understand that it is rather the Catholic Church that suffers persecution from the pride and ungodliness of the carnal, whom she tries to correct by temporal troubles and fears. Whatever, then, the true and lawful mother does, even if it is felt as harsh and bitter, she does not repay evil for evil, but applies the good of discipline to drive out the evil of iniquity, not from hatred that would harm but from love that would heal. When good and bad people do the same things and suffer the same things, they must surely be distinguished not by their deeds and penalties but by their motives. Pharaoh crushed the people of God with hard labour; Moses afflicted the same people with hard punishments when they acted ungodly. They did similar things, but they did not similarly intend good: the one was puffed up with domination, the other aflame with love. Jezebel killed prophets, Elijah killed false prophets; I think the deserts of the doers were different, and those of the sufferers different.

Gen 16:6 (allusion, high confidence) · Gal 4:22 (allusion, high confidence) · Gal 4:29 (quotation, high confidence) · Exod 1:13 (allusion, medium confidence) · Exod 32:27 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Kgs 18:4 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Kgs 18:40 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Sarah's discipline of Hagar, Moses' punishments and Elijah's killing of false prophets show that like actions are judged by their motive.

  • References: Gen 16:6; Gal 4:22–29 (quotation of 4:29); Exod 1:11–14; Exod 32:27–28; 1 Kgs 18:4, 40.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip (question mark read as V); OCR slips (nou for non; stray colon)): affligebatV → affligebat?; nou malum pro malo: reddit → non malum pro malo reddit.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.6 (CSEL 34.2:450–451; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-6).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.7CSEL 34.2:451–452

Aspice etiam tempora testamenti noui, quando iam ipsa mansuetudo caritatis non solum erat in corde seruanda uerum etiam in luce monstranda, quando Petri gladius in uaginam reuocatur a Christo et ostenditur non debuisse de uagina exeri nec pro Christo. legimus tamen non solum, quod ceciderunt Iudaei Paulum apostolum, uerum etiam quod ceciderunt et Graeci pro Paulo apostolo Sosthenen Iudaeum. nonne similitudo facti quasi utrosque coniungit et tamen eos causae dissimilitudo discernit? nempe deus proprio filio non pepercit, sed pro nobis omnibus tradidit illum: nempe de ipso filio dicitur: Qui me dilexit et tradidit. semet ipsum pro me; nempe et de Iuda dicitur, quod introierit in eum satanas, ut traderet Christum. cum ergo et pater tradiderit filium suum et ipse Christus corpus suum et Iudas dominum suum, cur in hac traditione deus est pius et homo reus, nisi in re una, quam fecerunt, causa non una est, qua fecerunt? tres cruces uno in loco erant: in una latro liberandus, in alia latro damnandus, in medio Christus alterum liberaturus, alterum damnaturus. quid similius istis crucibus? quid dissimilius istis pendentibus? traditus est Paulus includendus et conligandus, sed quolibet custode carceris peior est utique satanas, cui tamen ipse Paulus tradidit hominem in interitum carnis, ut spiritus saluus sit in die domini Iesu. et hic quid dicimus? ecce mitiori tradidit crudelis traditor, crudeliori tradidit misericors traditor. discamus, fratres, in similitudine operum discernere animos operantium, ne clausis oculis calumniemur et beniuolos pro nocentibus accusemus. item cum ait idem apostolus tradidisse se quosdam satanae, ut discerent non blasphemare, malum pro malo reddidit, an potius malos etiam per malum emendare bonum opus esse iudicauit?

Look also at the times of the New Testament, when the very gentleness of love was not only to be kept in the heart but also to be shown in the light, when Peter's sword was called back into its sheath by Christ, and it was shown that it ought not to have been drawn from its sheath even for Christ. Yet we read not only that the Jews beat the apostle Paul, but also that the Greeks beat Sosthenes, a Jew, on behalf of the apostle Paul. Does not the likeness of the deed seem to join both together, and yet the unlikeness of the motive sets them apart? Indeed, God did not spare his own Son but handed him over for us all; indeed, of the Son himself it is said, “who loved me and handed himself over for me”; and indeed of Judas it is said that Satan entered into him so that he would hand Christ over. Since, then, the Father handed over his Son, and Christ himself his body, and Judas his Lord, why in this handing over is God holy and man guilty, unless it is that in the one act which they did the motive for which they did it was not one? There were three crosses in one place: on one a thief to be saved, on another a thief to be condemned, in the middle Christ, who would save the one and condemn the other. What is more alike than those crosses? What more unlike than those hanging on them? Paul was handed over to be shut up and bound; but Satan is surely worse than any jailer, and yet Paul himself handed a man over to him for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus. And what do we say here? See, a cruel betrayer handed over to a milder one, a merciful one handed over to a crueller. Let us learn, brothers, to distinguish the intentions of the doers in the likeness of their works, lest with eyes closed we slander and accuse the well-meaning as harmful. Again, when the same apostle says that he handed certain men over to Satan so that they might learn not to blaspheme, did he repay evil for evil, or did he rather judge it a good work to correct evil men even through an evil?

Matt 26:52 (allusion, high confidence) · John 18:11 (allusion, high confidence) · Acts 21:32 (allusion, medium confidence) · Acts 18:17 (allusion, high confidence) · Rom 8:32 (quotation, high confidence) · Gal 2:20 (quotation, high confidence) · John 13:27 (allusion, high confidence) · Luke 23:33 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Cor 5:5 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 Tim 1:20 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The same act differs by motive: the Father, Christ and Judas all handed Christ over, and Paul himself handed men over to Satan for their correction.

  • References: Matt 26:52; John 18:11; Acts 21:30–32; Acts 18:17 (Sosthenes); Rom 8:32; Gal 2:20; John 13:27; Luke 23:33, 39–43; 1 Cor 5:5; 1 Tim 1:20.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip (l for I)): ludas dominum → Iudas dominum.

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.7 (CSEL 34.2:451–452; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-7).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.8CSEL 34.2:452–453

Si semper esset laudabile persecutionem pati, sufficeret domino dicere: Beati, qui persecutionem patiuntur, nec adderet propter iustitiam. item si semper esset culpabile persecutionem facere, non scriptum esset in sanctis libris: Detrahentem proximo suo occulte hunc persequebar. aliquando ergo et qui eam patitur iniustus est et qui eam facit iustus est. sed plane semper et mali persecuti sunt bonos et boni persecuti sunt malos, illi nocendo per iniustitiam, illi consulendo per disciplinam; illi immaniter, illi temperanter; illi seruientes cupiditati, illi caritati. nam qui trucidat, non considerat, quem ad modum laniet; qui autem curat, considerat, quem ad modum secet; ille enim persequitur sanitatem, ille putredinem. occiderunt impii prophetas, occiderunt impios et prophetae; flagellauerunt Iudaei Christum, Iudaeos flagellauit et Christus: traditi sunt apostoli ab hominibus potestati humanae, tradiderunt et apostoli homines potestati satanae. in his omnibus quid adtenditur, nisi quis eorum pro ueritate, quis pro iniquitate, quis nocendi causa, quis emendandi?

If it were always praiseworthy to suffer persecution, it would have been enough for the Lord to say, “Blessed are those who suffer persecution”, and he would not have added “for righteousness' sake”. Again, if it were always blameworthy to persecute, it would not have been written in the holy books: “Him who secretly slanders his neighbour I persecuted.” Sometimes, then, he who suffers it is unjust and he who inflicts it is just. But clearly the bad have always persecuted the good and the good have always persecuted the bad: the former doing harm through injustice, the latter seeking their good through discipline; the former savagely, the latter with restraint; the former serving greed, the latter love. For one who butchers does not consider how he mangles, but one who heals considers how he cuts; the one pursues what is healthy, the other what is rotten. The ungodly killed prophets, and prophets killed the ungodly; the Jews scourged Christ, and Christ scourged the Jews; the apostles were handed over by men to human power, and the apostles handed men over to the power of Satan. In all these, what is to be looked at except who acted for truth, who for iniquity, who in order to harm, who in order to correct?

Matt 5:10 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 101:5 (100:5 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · John 2:15 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Persecution is praiseworthy or blameworthy according to its cause; the good have persecuted the bad for their correction.

  • Quotations: Matt 5:10; Ps 101:5 (100:5 LXX). Christ scourging the Jews alludes to John 2:15.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip): tlagellauerunt → flagellauerunt.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.8 (CSEL 34.2:452–453; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-8).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.9CSEL 34.2:453–454

Non inuenitur exemplum in euangelicis et apostolicis litteris aliquid petitum a regibus terrae pro ecclesia contra inimicos ecclesiae. quis negat non inueniri? sed nondum implebatur illa prophetia: Et nunc, reges, intellegite et erudimini, qui iudicatis terram; seruite domino in timore. adhuc enim illud implebatur, quod in eodem psalmo paulo superius dicitur: Quare fremuerunt gentes et populi meditati sunt inania? adstiterunt reges terrae et principes conuenerunt in unum aduersus dominum et aduersus Christum eius. uerum tamen si facta praeterita in propheticis libris figurae fuerunt futurorum, in rege illo, qui appellabatur Nabuchodonosor, utrumque tempus figuratum est, et quod sub apostolis habuit et quod nunc habet ecclesia. temporibus itaque apostolorum et martyrum illud implebatur, quod figuratum est, quando rex memoratus pios et iustos cogebat adorare simulacrum et recusantes mittebat in flammam; nunc autem illud impletur, quod paulo post in eodem rege figuratum est, cum conuersus ad honorandum deum uerum decreuit in regno suo, ut, quicumque blasphemaret deum Sidrac, Misac et Abdenago, poenis debitis subiaceret. prius ergo tempus illius regis significabat priora tempora regum infidelium, quos passi sunt Christiani pro impiis; posterius uero tempus illius regis significauit tempora posteriorum regum iam fidelium, quos patiuntur impii pro Christianis.

“No example is found in the Gospels and the apostolic writings of anything asked of the kings of the earth for the church against the church's enemies.” Who denies that none is found? But that prophecy was not yet being fulfilled: “And now, O kings, understand; be instructed, you who judge the earth; serve the Lord in fear.” For what is said a little earlier in the same psalm was still being fulfilled: “Why have the nations raged and the peoples devised vain things? The kings of the earth stood up and the rulers gathered together against the Lord and against his Christ.” Yet if past events in the prophetic books were figures of things to come, both times were figured in the king called Nebuchadnezzar: what the church had under the apostles and what she has now. In the times of the apostles and martyrs, then, what was figured was being fulfilled when that king compelled the godly and righteous to worship an image and threw those who refused into the flames; but now what was figured a little later in the same king is being fulfilled, when, converted to honour the true God, he decreed in his kingdom that whoever blasphemed the God of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego should undergo the punishment due. The earlier time of that king, then, signified the earlier times of unbelieving kings, under whom Christians suffered in place of the ungodly; but the later time of that king signified the times of later kings, now believers, under whom the ungodly suffer in place of Christians.

Ps 2:10 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 2:11 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 2:1 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 2:2 (quotation, high confidence) · Dan 3:6 (allusion, high confidence) · Dan 3:29 (3:96 LXX) (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Apostolic times had no Christian kings to appeal to; Nebuchadnezzar's persecution and later decree for God figure the church's two ages.

  • Quotations: Ps 2:10–11; Ps 2:1–2. References: Dan 3:1–23; Dan 3:29 (3:96 LXX and Vulgate).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (repeated word in the digital text): in in timore → in timore.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.9 (CSEL 34.2:453–454; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-9).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.10CSEL 34.2:454–455

Sed plane in eis, qui sub nomine Christi errant seducti a peruersis, ne forte oues Christi sint errantes et ad gregem. aliter reuocandae sint, temperata seueritas et magis mansuetudo seruatur, ut cohercitione exiliorum atque damnorum admoneantur considerare. quid quare patiantur. et discant praeponere rumoribus et calumniis hominum scripturas, quas legunt. quis enim nostrum, quis uestrum non laudat leges ab imperatoribus datas aduersus sacrificia paganorum? et certe longe ibi poena seuerior constituta est; illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est. de uobis autem corripiendis atque cohercendis habita ratio est, qua potius admoneremini ab errore discedere. quam pro scelere puniremini. potest enim fortasse etiam de uobis dici. quod ait apostolus de Iudaeis: Testimonium illis perhibeo, quia zelum dei habent sed non secundum scientiam. ignorantes enim dei iustitiam et suam iustitiam uolentes constituere iustitiae dei non sunt subiecti. quid enim aliud et uos quam uestram iustitiam uultis constituere. quando non dicitis iustificari nisi eos, qui a uobis potuerint baptizari? in hac ergo apostolica sententia, quam de Iudaeis protulit, hoc distatis a Iudaeis, quod uos habetis sacramenta Christiana, quibus illi adhuc carent. ceterum ad hoc, quod: ait: Ignorantes dei iustitiam et suam uolentes constituere, et quod zelum dei habent sed non secundum scientiam, pares estis omnino exceptis dumtaxat illis, quicumque in uobis sunt scientes, quid uerum sit, et pro animositate suae peruersitatis contra ueritatem etiam sibi notissimam dimicantes. horum quippe impietas etiam idolatriam forsitan superat. sed quia non facile conuinci possunt — in animo namque latet hoc malum —, omnes tamquam non a nobis nimis alieni leniore seueritate cohercemini. et hoc quidem uel de omnibus haereticis, qui Christianis sacramentis inbuuntur et a Christi ueritate siue unitate dissentiunt. uel Donatistis omnibus dixerim.

But clearly, in the case of those who go astray under the name of Christ, led astray by perverse men, lest perhaps they be Christ's straying sheep who must be called back to the flock some other way, a tempered severity, and rather gentleness, is observed, so that by the constraint of exile and fines they may be warned to consider why they suffer, and learn to prefer the Scriptures they read to the rumours and slanders of men. For which of us, which of you, does not praise the laws issued by the emperors against the sacrifices of the pagans? And certainly a far severer penalty is laid down there: that ungodliness carries the death penalty. But in correcting and restraining you, the aim was rather that you should be warned to depart from error than punished for a crime. For perhaps what the apostle says of the Jews can be said of you too: “I bear them witness that they have a zeal for God, but not according to knowledge. For, being ignorant of God's righteousness and seeking to establish their own righteousness, they did not submit to the righteousness of God.” For what else do you want but to establish your own righteousness, when you say that none are justified except those whom you have been able to baptize? In this sentence of the apostle that he spoke about the Jews, you differ from the Jews in that you have the Christian sacraments, which they still lack. But as to what he says, “being ignorant of God's righteousness and seeking to establish their own”, and that they have a zeal for God but not according to knowledge, you are entirely alike, except only those among you who know what is true and fight, from the animosity of their perversity, even against a truth well known to them. Their ungodliness perhaps surpasses even idolatry. But since they cannot easily be convicted, for this evil lies hidden in the mind, you are all restrained by a milder severity, as people not too far removed from us. And this I would say either of all heretics who are imbued with the Christian sacraments and dissent from the truth or unity of Christ, or of all the Donatists.

Rom 10:2 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 10:3 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Penalties against Donatists (exile, fines) are milder than the capital laws against pagan sacrifice, for their aim is correction; like the Jews of Rom 10, they seek their own righteousness.

  • Quotation: Rom 10:2–3. The comparison with the Jews and the remarks on the death penalty for pagan sacrifice are translated as written.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip): pernersitatis → peruersitatis.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.10 (CSEL 34.2:454–455; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-10).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.11CSEL 34.2:455–456

Quod autem ad uos adtinet, qui non solum cum illis communiter Donatistae a Donato uerum etiam proprie Rogatistae a Rogato appellamini, mitiores quidem esse uidemini, quia Circumcellionum immanissimis gregibus non saeuitis; sed nulla bestia, si neminem uulneret, propterea mansueta dicitur, quia dentes et ungues non habet. saeuire uos nolle dicitis; ego non posse arbitror. ita enim estis numero exigui, ut mouere uos contra aduersarias uobis multitudines non audeatis, etsi cupiatis. sed ponamus uos etiam nolle, quod non ualetis, ponamus uos euangelicam sententiam, qua scriptum est: Si quis tibi uoluerit tunicam tollere et iudicio tecum contendere, dimitte illi et pallium, sic intellegere, sic tenere, ut persequentibus uos non solum nulla iniuria uerum etiam iure nullo resistendum putetis: hunc certe intellectum Rogatus auctor uester aut non habuit aut non impleuit, qui de nescio quibus rebus. ut dicitis, uestris acerrima perseuerantia etiam forensi disceptatione conflixit. cui si diceretur: Quis umquam apostolorum in causa fidei res suas iudicio publico defendit? sicut tu in epistula posuisti: Quis umquam apostolorum in causa fidei res alienas inuasit? nullum quidem in diuinis litteris huius facti reperiret exemplum; sed tamen forte inueniret aliquam ueram defensionem, si ueram ecclesiam retineret, non sub ecclesiae uerae nomine inpudenter aliquid possideret.,

As for you, who are called not only Donatists after Donatus, in common with them, but also, in particular, Rogatists after Rogatus, you do seem milder, because you do not rage with the savage gangs of the Circumcellions. But no beast is called tame because it wounds no one, when it has no teeth or claws. You say you do not wish to rage; I think you cannot. For you are so few in number that you would not dare to move against the multitudes opposed to you, even if you wished. But let us suppose that you do not even wish what you are unable to do; let us suppose that you so understand and so hold the Gospel saying, in which it is written, “If anyone wishes to take your tunic and go to law with you, let him have your cloak as well”, that you think those who persecute you are to be resisted not only with no injury but even with no legal right. Certainly Rogatus, your founder, either did not have this understanding or did not fulfil it, for he fought with the most stubborn persistence, even in litigation in the courts, over some property or other that you say was yours. If it were said to him, “Which of the apostles ever defended his property in a public court in a matter of faith?”, just as you put it in your letter, “Which of the apostles ever seized other people's property in a matter of faith?”, he would indeed find no example of this deed in the divine writings; but perhaps he would find some true defence, if he held the true church and did not shamelessly possess anything under the name of the true church.

Matt 5:40 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The Rogatists seem milder only because they are too few to be violent, and their founder Rogatus himself went to law over property.

  • Quotation: Matt 5:40.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip): uerara → ueram.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.11 (CSEL 34.2:455–456; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-11).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-epistulae-93-11) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.12CSEL 34.2:456–457

Quod autem pertinet ad terrenarum potestatum iussa contra schismaticos aut haereticos uel impetranda uel exerenda, illi quidem, a quibus uos separastis, acerrimi fuerunt et contra uos, quantum audire potuimus, et contra Maximianistas. quod gestorum etiam certis documentis probamus; sed tamen nondum ab eis separati eratis, quando Iuliano imperatori in sua petitione dixerunt, quod apud eum sola iustitia locum haberet, quem certe apostatam nouerant et idolatriis deditum sic uidebant, ut aut iustitiam esse idolatriam faterentur aut se scelerate mentitos negare non possent, ut apud eum dicerent solam locum habere iustitiam, apud quem magnum locum cernerent habere idolatriam. sed fuerit error in uerbo. de ipso facto quid dicis? si nihil iustum ab imperatore petendum est, cur a Iuliano petitum est, quod iustum putatum est?

As for asking for or carrying out orders of the earthly powers against schismatics or heretics, those from whom you separated were very fierce, both against you, as far as we have been able to hear, and against the Maximianists, which we prove by sure documents from the public records. Yet you had not yet separated from them when they said to the emperor Julian in their petition that with him justice alone had a place, though they knew him to be an apostate and saw him so given over to idolatry that either they would have to admit that idolatry is justice or they could not deny that they had lied wickedly, saying that justice alone had a place with a man with whom they saw idolatry had a great place. But let that be a slip of the tongue. What do you say about the deed itself? If nothing just is to be asked of an emperor, why was what was thought just asked of Julian?

Notes and citation

Summary: The Donatists themselves petitioned Julian the Apostate, flatteringly calling him a man with whom justice alone had a place.

  • The Maximianists were a schism within the Donatist church (393). The Donatist petition to Julian (361–362) is quoted again in later anti-Donatist writings.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.12 (CSEL 34.2:456–457; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-12).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.13CSEL 34.2:457–458

An per hoc petendum est, ut sua quisque recuperet, non ut aliquem, quo ab imperatore coherceatur, accuset? interim et in suarum rerum recipiendarum repetitione ab apostolicis exemplis receditur, quia hoc fecisse nemo inuenitur illorum. sed tamen cum maiores uestri ipsum Caecilianum tunc ecclesiae Carthaginiensis episcopum, cui tamquam criminoso communicare noluerunt, apud principem Constantinum per Anulinum proconsulem accusauerunt, non res suas amissas repetiuerunt, sed innocentem, sicut existimamus et sicut ipse iudiciorum exitus docuit, calumniose appetierunt, quo quid sceleratius ab eis fieri potuit? si autem, sicut falso arbitramini, uere criminosum iudicandum terrenis potestatibus tradiderunt, quid nobis obicitis, quod uestrorum praesumptio primitus fecit? quod eos non argueremus, quia fecerunt, si non animo inuido et noxio sed emendandi et corrigendi uoluntate fecissent. uos tamen indubitanter arguimus, quibus crimen uidetur de inimicis communionis nostrae Christiano imperatori aliquid conqueri, cum libellus a maioribus uestris Anulino proconsuli datus Constantino imperatori mittendus ita suprascriptus sit: Libellus ecclesiae catholicae criminum Caeciliani traditus a parte Maiorini. illos autem hinc magis arguimus, quia, cum apud imperatorem ultro Caecilianum accusassent, quem primo utique apud collegas transmarinos conuincere debuerunt, ipso imperatore longe ordinatius agente, ut episcoporum causam ad se delatam ad episcopos mitteret. nec uicti pacem cum fratribus habere uoluerunt, sed rursus ad eundem imperatorem uenerunt, rursus non Caecilianum tantum uerum etiam datos sibi episcopos iudices apud terrenum regem accusauerunt, rursus ab alio episcopali iudicio ad eundem imperatorem appellauerunt nec eo ipso inter partes cognoscente atque iudicante uel ueritati uel paci cedendum esse duxerunt.

Or is it to be asked on the ground that each may recover his own property, not that one may accuse someone in order to have him restrained by the emperor? Even in reclaiming one's own property one departs from the example of the apostles, for none of them is found to have done this. But when your forebears accused Caecilian himself, then bishop of the church of Carthage, with whom they refused to communicate as a criminal, before the emperor Constantine through the proconsul Anulinus, they were not reclaiming property they had lost; they were slanderously attacking an innocent man, as we believe and as the outcome of the trials itself showed. What could they have done more wicked than that? But if, as you falsely suppose, they handed over a man who really was a criminal to be judged by the earthly powers, why do you reproach us with what the presumption of your own people did first? We would not blame them for having done it, if they had done it not with an envious and harmful mind but with the will to amend and correct. You, however, we blame without hesitation, who think it a crime to make any complaint to a Christian emperor about the enemies of our communion, when the petition given by your forebears to the proconsul Anulinus, to be sent to the emperor Constantine, was headed thus: “Petition of the Catholic Church concerning the crimes of Caecilian, submitted by the party of Majorinus.” And we blame them still more for this: that though they of their own accord accused Caecilian before the emperor, whom they certainly ought first to have convicted before their colleagues overseas, and though the emperor acted far more properly in sending the case of bishops, brought before him, to bishops, they would not, when defeated, have peace with their brothers; they came again to the same emperor, again accused before an earthly king not only Caecilian but also the bishops given them as judges, again appealed from another episcopal judgment to the same emperor, and even when he himself heard and judged between the parties, they did not think they should yield either to truth or to peace.

Notes and citation

Summary: The Donatists' forebears first accused Caecilian before Constantine and, though defeated before bishops and the emperor, refused peace.

  • Caecilian, bishop of Carthage from ca. 311; Majorinus was the rival bishop set up against him, Donatus's predecessor. The petition through the proconsul Anulinus (313) is preserved in Augustine, Ep. 88.2.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip): ti-ansmarinos → transmarinos.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.13 (CSEL 34.2:457–458; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-13).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.14CSEL 34.2:458–459

Quid autem aliud statueret Constantinus aduersus Caecilianum et socios eius, si essent uestris maioribus accusantibus uicti, quam quod statuit in eos ipsos, qui cum ultro accusassent nec ea, quae intendebant, probare potuissent. noluerunt ueritati consentire nec uicti? ille quippe imperator primus constituit in hac causa, ut res conuictorum et unitati peruicaciter resistentium fisco uindicarentur. sed uidelicet si uestris maioribus accusantibus atque superantibus contra communionem Caeciliani imperator tale aliquid decreuisset. prouisores ecclesiae, defensores pacis et unitatis nominari uelletis. cum uero in eos, qui ultro accusantes nihil probare potuerunt nec oblato sibi gremio pacis, quo correcti exciperentur. consentire uoluerunt, ab imperatoribus talia decernuntur, indignum facinus clamitatur, neminem ad unitatem esse cogendum, malum pro malo nemini reddendum esse contenditur. quid est aliud quam id, quod de uobis quidam scripsit: Quod uolumus, sanctum est? et nunc non erat magnum neque difficile considerare atque cogitare Constantini iudicium atque sententiam contra uos uigere. quae uestris maioribus Caecilianum apud imperatorem totiens accusantibus et non conuincentibus aduersus uos promulgata est, eamque necessario sequi ceteros imperatores, maxime catholicos Christianos, quotiens de uobis aliquid agere uestrae obstinationis necessitas cogit.

And what else would Constantine have decreed against Caecilian and his associates, if they had been defeated when your forebears accused them, than what he decreed against those very men who, having accused of their own accord and been unable to prove their charges, would not yield to the truth even when defeated? For that emperor was the first to decree in this case that the property of those convicted and stubbornly resisting unity should be confiscated to the treasury. But of course, if your forebears had accused and prevailed, and the emperor had decreed something of the kind against the communion of Caecilian, you would want to be called guardians of the church, defenders of peace and unity. But when such things are decreed by emperors against those who, accusing of their own accord, could prove nothing and would not consent when the bosom of peace was offered them, in which they would be received on correction, then it is shouted that this is an outrage, and it is argued that no one is to be compelled to unity, that evil is to be repaid to no one for evil. What is this but what someone wrote of you: “What we want is holy”? And now it was not a great or difficult thing to consider and reflect that the judgment and sentence of Constantine against you is still in force, which was issued against you when your forebears so often accused Caecilian before the emperor and failed to convict him; and that the other emperors, especially Catholic Christians, necessarily follow it whenever the necessity created by your obstinacy compels them to take any action concerning you.

Notes and citation

Summary: Constantine first decreed confiscation against those who resisted unity after failing to prove their charges; later emperors follow his sentence.

  • The saying “What we want is holy” is quoted from an unnamed writer (in Augustine's other works it is attributed to Tyconius, a Donatist; here unnamed).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray letter in the digital text): unitati f peruicaciter → unitati peruicaciter.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.14 (CSEL 34.2:458–459; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-14).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.15CSEL 34.2:459–461

Facile erat ista cogitare, ut uobis ipsis aliquando diceretis: Si Caecilianus uel innocens fuit uel nocens conuinci non potuit, quid in hoc negotio tam longe lateque diffusa societas Christiana peccauit? cur orbi Christiano non licuit ignorare, quod non potuerunt, qui accusauerant, demonstrare? cur illi, quos Christus in agro suo, id est in hoc mundo seminauit et inter zizania crescere usque ad messem praecepit, cur tot milia fidelium in omnibus gentibus, quorum multitudinem stellis caeli et harenae maris dominus comparauit, quos in semine Abrahae benedicendos promisit et reddidit, propterea negantur esse Christiani, quia in hac causa, in qua discutienda non interfuerunt, iudicibus potius suo periculo iudicantibus quam uictis litigatoribus credere maluerunt? certe nullius crimen maculat nescientem. quo modo fideles toto orbe diffusi crimen traditorum cognoscere poterant, quod accusatores, etiam si nouerant, tamen eis ostendere non ualebant? hos ergo ab hoc crimine innocentes esse nempe ipsa ignorantia facillime ostendit. cur ergo innocentes falsis criminibus accusantur. quia crimina aliena seu falsa seu uera nescierunt? quis locus innocentiae reseruatur. si crimen est proprium nescire crimen alienum? porro si tot gentium populos ipsa ignorantia, sicut dictum est, innocentes ostendit, quam magnum crimen est ab istorum innocentium communione separari? nam et facta nocentium, quae innocentibus demonstrari uel ab innocentibus credi non possunt, non inquinant quemquam, si propter innocentium consortium etiam cognita sustinentur. non enim propter malos boni deserendi, sed propter bonos mali tolerandi sunt, sicut tolerarunt prophetae, contra quos tanta dicebant, nec communionem sacramentorum illius populi relinquebant, sicut ipse dominus nocentem Iudam usque ad condignum eius exitum tolerauit et eum sacram cenam cum innocentibus communicare permisit, sicut tolerarunt apostoli eos, qui per inuidiam, quod ipsius diaboli uitium est, Christum adnuntiabant, sicut tolerauit Cyprianus collegarum auaritiam, quam secundum apostolum appellat idolatriam. postremo quicquid tunc inter illos episcopos gestum est, etiam si forte ab aliquibus eorum sciebatur, si non sit acceptio personarum, nunc ab omnibus ignoratur. cur ergo non ab omnibus pax amatur? haec facillime cogitare possetis aut fortasse etiam cogitatis. sed melius erat. ut amaretis possessiones terrenas, quas timendo perdere cognitae ueritati consentiretis, quam ut amaretis uanissimam hominum gloriam, quam uos putatis perdere, si cognitae ueritati consenseritis.

It was easy to reflect on these things, so that you might at some time say to yourselves: “If Caecilian was either innocent or, if guilty, could not be convicted, how has the Christian society, spread so far and wide, sinned in this matter? Why was the Christian world not permitted to be ignorant of what the accusers could not prove? Why are those whom Christ sowed in his field, that is, in this world, and commanded to grow among the weeds until the harvest, why are so many thousands of believers in all nations, whose multitude the Lord compared to the stars of heaven and the sand of the sea, whom he promised would be blessed in the seed of Abraham and has made good his promise, denied to be Christians on this account: that in this case, at whose examination they were not present, they chose to believe the judges, who judged at their own peril, rather than the defeated litigants?” Certainly no one's crime stains one who does not know of it. How could the believers spread throughout the world know the crime of the traditors, which the accusers, even if they knew it, were unable to show them? That they are innocent of this crime their very ignorance most easily shows. Why then are the innocent accused of false crimes because they did not know of other people's crimes, whether false or true? What room is left for innocence, if it is one's own crime not to know another's crime? Further, if, as has been said, their very ignorance shows the peoples of so many nations to be innocent, how great a crime it is to separate from the communion of these innocent people! For the deeds of the guilty, which cannot be shown to the innocent or believed by the innocent, stain no one, even if, once known, they are borne for the sake of fellowship with the innocent. For the good are not to be deserted because of the bad, but the bad are to be tolerated because of the good: as the prophets tolerated them, against whom they said so much, and yet did not leave the communion of the sacraments of that people; as the Lord himself tolerated guilty Judas until his fitting end and allowed him to share the holy supper with the innocent; as the apostles tolerated those who proclaimed Christ out of envy, which is the vice of the devil himself; as Cyprian tolerated the avarice of his colleagues, which, following the apostle, he calls idolatry. Finally, whatever was done then among those bishops, even if perhaps some of them knew of it, is now, without respect of persons, unknown to all. Why then is peace not loved by all? You could very easily reflect on these things, or perhaps you even do reflect on them. But it would be better for you to love your earthly possessions, so that through fear of losing them you would consent to the truth you know, than to love the emptiest glory of men, which you think you will lose if you consent to the truth you know.

Matt 13:30 (allusion, high confidence) · Matt 13:38 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 22:17 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 22:18 (allusion, high confidence) · Phil 1:15 (allusion, high confidence) · Col 3:5 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The worldwide church could not be guilty of crimes it never knew; the bad are to be tolerated for the sake of the good, as the prophets, Christ, the apostles and Cyprian did.

  • “Traditors” (traditores) were clergy accused of handing over the Scriptures in the persecution of 303–305. References: Matt 13:24–30, 38; Gen 22:17–18; Phil 1:15; Col 3:5 (avarice as idolatry); Cyprian, On the Lapsed 6 (bishops' avarice).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip (l for I)): nocentem ludam → nocentem Iudam.

Extrabiblical texts: Cyprian, Laps. 6 (On the Lapsed; allusion)

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.15 (CSEL 34.2:459–461; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-15).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.16CSEL 34.2:461

Vides itaque iam, ut opinor, non esse considerandum, quod quisque cogitur, sed quale sit illud, quo cogitur, utrum bonum an malum. non quo quisque bonus esse possit inuitus, sed timendo, quod non uult, pati uel relinquit impedientem animositatem uel ignoratam compellitur cognoscere ueritatem, ut timens uel respuat falsum, de quo contendebat, uel quaerat uerum, quod nesciebat, et uolens iam teneat, quod nolebat. superfluo fortasse hoc diceretur quibuslibet uerbis, si non tam multis ostenderetur exemplis. non illos aut illos homines sed multas ciuitates uidemus fuisse Donatistas, nunc esse catholicas, detestari uehementer diabolicam separationem, diligere ardenter unitatem. quae tamen timoris huius, qui tibi displicet, occasionibus catholicae factae sunt per leges imperatorum a Constantino, apud quem primum uestri ultro Caecilianum accusauerunt, usque ad praesentes imperatores, qui iudicium illius, quem uestri elegerunt, quem iudicibus episcopis praetulerunt, iustissime contra uos custodiendum esse decernunt.

You see, then, I think, that what must be considered is not whether someone is compelled, but what that is to which he is compelled, whether good or bad. Not that anyone can be good against his will; but through fear of suffering what he does not wish, he either gives up the animosity that stood in his way or is driven to know a truth of which he was ignorant, so that through fear he either rejects the falsehood he was contending for or seeks the truth he did not know, and now willingly holds what he did not want. It would perhaps be superfluous to say this in any words at all, if it were not shown by so many examples. We see that not this or that man but many cities were Donatist and are now Catholic, vehemently detest the diabolical separation, and ardently love unity. Yet they became Catholic on the occasion of this fear that displeases you, through the laws of the emperors, from Constantine, before whom your people first accused Caecilian of their own accord, down to the present emperors, who decree most justly that the judgment of him whom your people chose, whom they preferred to the episcopal judges, is to be upheld against you.

Notes and citation

Summary: What matters is what one is compelled to; many cities once Donatist became sincerely Catholic through fear of the imperial laws.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.16 (CSEL 34.2:461; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-16).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.17CSEL 34.2:461–462

His ergo exemplis a collegis meis mihi propositis cessi. nam mea primitus sententia non erat nisi neminem ad unitatem Christi esse cogendum, uerbo esse agendum, disputatione pugnandum, ratione uincendum, ne fictos catholicos haberemus, quos apertos haereticos noueramus. sed haec opinio mea non contradicentium uerbis sed demonstrantium superabatur exemplis. nam primo mihi opponebatur ciuitas mea, quae cum tota esset in parte Donati, ad unitatem catholicam legum imperialium timore conuersa est, quam nunc uidemus ita huius uestrae animositatis perniciem detestari, ut in ea numquam fuisse credatur; ita aliae multae, quae mihi nominatim commemorabantur, ut ipsis rebus agnoscerem etiam in hac causa recte intellegi posse, quod scriptum est: Da sapienti occasionem et sapientior erit. quam multi enim, quod certo scimus, iam uolebant esse catholici manifestissima ueritate commoti et offensionem suorum reuerendo cotidie differebant! quam multos non ueritas, qua numquam praesumpsistis, sed obduratae consuetudinis graue uinculum conligabat, ut in eis compleretur diuina illa sententia: Verbis non emendabitur seruus durus; si enim et intellexerit, non oboediet! quam multi propterea putabant ueram ecclesiam esse partem Donati, quia eos ad cognoscendam catholicam ueritatem securitas torpidos, fastidiosos pigrosque faciebat! quam multis aditum intrandi obserabant rumores maledicorum, qui nescio quid aliud nos in altare dei ponere iactitabant! quam multi nihil interesse credentes, in qua quisque parte Christianus sit, ideo permanebant in parte Donati. quia ibi nati erant et eos inde discedere atque ad catholicam transire nemo cogebat!

So I yielded to these examples put before me by my colleagues. For my opinion originally was that no one should be compelled to the unity of Christ, that one should act by word, fight by discussion, conquer by reason, lest we have pretended Catholics whom we had known as open heretics. But this opinion of mine was overcome, not by the words of those who contradicted it, but by the examples of those who demonstrated otherwise. For first my own city was set against me, which, though it had been wholly in the party of Donatus, was converted to Catholic unity by fear of the imperial laws, and which we now see detesting the ruin of this animosity of yours so much that one would think it had never been in it. So too many others, which were mentioned to me by name, so that I recognized from the facts themselves that what is written can rightly be understood in this case too: “Give a wise man an opportunity and he will be wiser.” For how many, as we know for certain, already wished to be Catholics, moved by the most manifest truth, and put it off from day to day out of regard for offending their own people! How many were bound, not by the truth, on which you never relied, but by the heavy chain of hardened habit, so that in them that divine saying was fulfilled: “A hard servant will not be corrected by words; for even if he understands, he will not obey”! How many thought the party of Donatus was the true church because security made them sluggish, disdainful and lazy about learning the Catholic truth! For how many the rumours of slanderers, who kept claiming that we place I know not what else on the altar of God, barred the way in! How many, believing that it makes no difference in which party one is a Christian, remained in the party of Donatus because they had been born there and no one compelled them to leave it and pass over to the Catholic Church!

Prov 9:9 (quotation, high confidence) · Prov 29:19 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine admits he first opposed compulsion, but was persuaded by the conversion of his own city and others through fear of the laws.

  • Augustine's account of his change of mind on coercion is translated exactly. Quotations: Prov 9:9; Prov 29:19. “My own city” is Hippo Regius.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.17 (CSEL 34.2:461–462; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-17).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.18CSEL 34.2:462–463

His omnibus harum legum terror, quibus promulgandis reges domino seruiunt in timore, ita profuit, ut nunc alii dicant: clam hoc uolebamus; sed deo gratias, qui nobis occasionem praebuit iam iamque faciendi et dilationum morulas amputauit, alii dicant: Hoc esse uerum iam sciebamus, sed nescio qua consuetudine tenebamur; gratias domino, qui uincula nostra disrupit et nos ad pacis uinculum transtulit, alii dicant: Nesciebamus hic esse ueritatem nec eam discere uolebamus; sed nos ad eam cognoscendam metus fecit intentos, quo timuimus, ne forte sine ullis rerum aeternarum lucris damno rerum temporalium feriremur; gratias domino, qui neglegentiam nostram stimulo terroris excussit, ut saltem solliciti quaereremus, quod securi numquam nosse curauimus), alii dicant: Nos falsis rumoribus terrebamur intrare, quos falsos esse nesciremus, nisi intraremus, nec intraremus, nisi cogeremur; gratias domino, qui trepidationem nostram flagello abstulit, expertos docuit, quam uana et inania de ecclesia sua mendax fama iactauerit;. hinc iam credimus et illa falsa esse, quae auctores huius haeresis criminati sunt, quando posteri eorum tam falsa et peiora finxerunt alii dicant: Putabamus quidem nihil interesse, ubi fidem Christi teneremus; sed gratias domino, qui nos a diuisione collegit et hoc uni deo congruere, ut in unitate colatur, ostendit.

To all these the terror of these laws, in promulgating which kings serve the Lord in fear, has been so beneficial that now some say: “We wanted this secretly; but thanks be to God, who has given us the occasion to do it at once and has cut off the little delays of postponement.” Others say: “We already knew this was the truth, but we were held by some habit or other; thanks be to the Lord, who has broken our bonds and brought us over to the bond of peace.” Others say: “We did not know that the truth was here, nor did we wish to learn it; but fear made us intent on knowing it, the fear that we might be struck by the loss of temporal things without any gain of eternal things; thanks be to the Lord, who shook off our negligence with the goad of terror, so that at least when anxious we sought what when secure we never cared to know.” Others say: “We were frightened of entering by false rumours, which we would not have known to be false unless we entered, and we would not have entered unless we were compelled; thanks be to the Lord, who took away our trepidation with the scourge, and taught us by experience how vain and empty were the things that lying report spread about his church; from this we now believe that those things too are false which the founders of this heresy charged, since their successors have invented things so false and worse.” Others say: “We thought it made no difference where we held the faith of Christ; but thanks be to the Lord, who has gathered us from division and shown that it befits the one God to be worshipped in unity.”

Ps 2:11 (allusion, high confidence) · Eph 4:3 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Converts give thanks in various ways that the fear of the laws moved them out of delay, habit, ignorance and false rumour into unity.

  • Kings serving the Lord in fear: Ps 2:11. Bond of peace: Eph 4:3.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.18 (CSEL 34.2:462–463; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-18).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.19CSEL 34.2:463–464

His ego dominicis lucris impediendis ad contradicendum me opponerem collegis meis, ne in montibus et collibus uestris, id est in tumoribus superbiae uestrae Christi oues errantes in pacis ouile colligerentur, ubi est unus grex et unus pastor? ita sane huic prouisioni contradicere debui, ne res, quas dicitis uestras, perderetis et securi Christum proscriberetis? ut iure Romano testamenta conderetis et iure diuino patribus conditum testamentum, ubi scriptum est: In semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes, calumniosis criminationibus rumperetis? ut in emptionibus et uenditionibus liberos contractus haberetis et uobis diuidere, quod Christus emit uenditus, auderetis? ut, quod quisque uestrum cuiquam donasset, ualeret et, quod donauit deus deorum a solis ortu usque ad occasum uocatis filiis, non ualeret? ut de terra corporis uestri in exilium non mitteremini et de regno sanguinis sui a mari usque ad mare et a flumine usque ad terminos orbis terrae Christum. exulem facere conaremini? immo uero seruiant reges terrae Christo etiam leges ferendo pro Christo. maiores uestri Caecilianum et socios eius regibus terrae puniendos falsis criminibus obiecerunt; conuertantur leones ad comminuenda ossa calumniantium nec Danihel ipse intercedat innocens comprobatus et de lacu, quo illi pereunt, liberatus; qui enim parat proximo suo foueam, ipse iustius cadet in eam.

Should I set myself to contradict my colleagues so as to hinder these gains for the Lord, so that Christ's straying sheep on your mountains and hills, that is, on the swellings of your pride, should not be gathered into the fold of peace, where there is one flock and one shepherd? Ought I really to have opposed this provision so that you should not lose the property you call yours, and might proscribe Christ in security? So that you might make wills under Roman law, and by slanderous charges break the will made under divine law to the fathers, where it is written, “In your seed shall all nations be blessed”? So that you might have free contracts in buying and selling, and dare to divide what Christ bought when he was sold? So that what any of you had given to anyone should be valid, and what the God of gods has given to his children, called from the rising of the sun to its setting, should not be valid? So that you should not be sent into exile from the land of your body, and you might try to make Christ an exile from the kingdom of his blood, from sea to sea and from the river to the ends of the earth? No indeed: let the kings of the earth serve Christ by making laws for Christ too. Your forebears exposed Caecilian and his associates to the kings of the earth to be punished on false charges; let the lions be turned to crush the bones of the slanderers, and let not Daniel himself intercede, proved innocent and delivered from the den in which they perish; for he who prepares a pit for his neighbour will more justly fall into it himself.

Ezek 34:6 (allusion, medium confidence) · John 10:16 (quotation, high confidence) · Gen 22:18 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 Cor 6:20 (allusion, medium confidence) · Ps 50:1 (49:1 LXX) (allusion, high confidence) · Ps 72:8 (71:8 LXX) (allusion, high confidence) · Ps 72:11 (71:11 LXX) (allusion, high confidence) · Dan 6:24 (allusion, high confidence) · Prov 26:27 (quotation, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine refuses to hinder the laws that gather Christ's sheep, contrasting the Donatists' care for their own rights with their denial of Christ's inheritance.

  • References: Ezek 34:6; John 10:16; Gen 22:18; 1 Cor 6:20; Ps 50:1 (49:1 LXX); Ps 72:8 (71:8 LXX); Ps 72:11; Dan 6:24; Prov 26:27. The image of the lions turned on the slanderers is Augustine's application of Daniel; translated as written.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.19 (CSEL 34.2:463–464; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-19).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.20CSEL 34.2:464–466

Eripe te, frater, dum in hac carne uiuis, ab ira, quae uentura est pertinacibus et superbis. terror temporalium potestatum quando ueritatem oppugnat, iustis fortibus gloriosa probatio est, infirmis periculosa temptatio; quando autem ueritatem praedicat, errantibus cordatis utilis admonitio est, insensatis inutilis afflictio. non est tamen potestas nisi. a deo; qui autem resistit potestati, dei ordinationi resistit; principes enim non sunt timori bono operi sed malo. uis autem non timere potestatem, bonum fac et habebis laudem ex illa. siue enim potestas ueritati fauens aliquem corrigat, laudem habet ex illa, qui fuerit emendatus; siue inimica ueritati in aliquem saeuiat, laudem habet ex illa, qui uictor fuerit coronatus. tu autem non bonum facis, ut timere non debeas potestatem, nisi forte bonum est sedere et non aduersus fratrem detrahere sed aduersus fratres omnes in omnibus gentibus constitutos. quibus testimonium perhibent prophetae, Christus, apostoli, cum legitur: In semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes, cum legitur: Ab ortu solis usque ad occasum sacrificium mundum offertur nomini meo, quoniam glorificatum est nomen meum in gentibus, dicit dominus — audi: dicit dominus, non: dicit Donatus aut Rogatus aut Vincentius aut Hilarius aut Ambrosius aut Augustinus sed: dicit dominus —, cum legitur: Et benedicentur in eo omnes tribus terrae, omnes gentes magnificabunt eum. benedictus dominus deus Israhel, qui facit mirabilia solus, et benedictum nomen gloriae eius in aeternum et in saeculum saeculi. et replebitur gloria eius omnis terra. fiat, fiat. et tu sedes Cartennis et cum decem Rogatistis, qui remansistis, dicis: (Non fiat, non fiat).

Rescue yourself, brother, while you live in this flesh, from the wrath that will come upon the obstinate and proud. When the terror of temporal powers attacks the truth, it is a glorious testing for the strong and righteous and a dangerous temptation for the weak; but when it proclaims the truth, it is a useful warning for those who err but have sense, and a useless affliction for the senseless. Yet “there is no power except from God; and whoever resists the power resists the ordinance of God; for rulers are a terror not to good work but to bad. Do you wish not to fear the power? Do good, and you will have praise from it.” For whether the power, favouring the truth, corrects someone, he who has been amended has praise from it; or whether, hostile to the truth, it rages against someone, he who has been crowned as victor has praise from it. But you are not doing good, so as to have no need to fear the power; unless perhaps it is good to sit and speak against, not a brother, but all the brothers established in all nations, to whom the prophets, Christ and the apostles bear witness when we read, “In your seed shall all nations be blessed”; when we read, “From the rising of the sun to its setting a pure sacrifice is offered to my name, for my name is glorified among the nations, says the Lord” (listen: “says the Lord”, not “says Donatus”, or Rogatus, or Vincentius, or Hilary, or Ambrose, or Augustine, but “says the Lord”); when we read, “And all the tribes of the earth shall be blessed in him; all nations shall magnify him. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, who alone does wonders, and blessed be the name of his glory for ever and for ages of ages; and the whole earth shall be filled with his glory. So be it, so be it.” And you sit at Cartenna and with the ten Rogatists who are left you say, “Let it not be, let it not be!”

Matt 3:7 (allusion, medium confidence) · Rom 13:1 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 13:2 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 13:3 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 50:20 (49:20 LXX) (allusion, medium confidence) · Gen 22:18 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 1:11 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 72:17 (71:17 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 72:18 (71:18 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 72:19 (71:19 LXX) (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The civil power is from God; Vincentius does not do good, for at Cartenna with ten followers he denies the worldwide church foretold by the prophets.

  • Quotations: Rom 13:1–3; Gen 22:18; Mal 1:11; Ps 72:17–19 (71:17–19 LXX). Sitting and slandering a brother: Ps 50:20 (49:20 LXX). Cartenna (Ténès, Algeria) was Vincentius's see.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (words joined in the digital text): nominimeo → nomini meo.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.20 (CSEL 34.2:464–466; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-20).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-epistulae-93-20) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.21CSEL 34.2:466–467

Audis loqui euangelium: Oportebat impleri omnia, quae scripta sunt in lege et prophetis et psalmis de me. tunc aperuit illis sensum, ut intellegerent scripturas, et dixit eis: Quoniam sic scriptum est et sic oportebat Christum pati et resurgere a mortuis tertia die et praedicari in nomine eius paenitentiam et remissionem peccatorum per omnes gentes incipientibus ab Hierusalem). legis etiam actus apostolorum, quem ad modum hoc euangelium coeperit ab Hierusalem, ubi primo illos centum uiginti spiritus sanctus impleuit, atque inde in Iudaeam et Samariam et in omnes gentes exierit, sicut eis dixerat ascensurus in caelum: Eritis mihi testes in Hierusalem et in tota Iudaea et Samaria et usque in fines terrae, quia in omnem terram exiuit sonus eorum et in fines orbis terrae uerba eorum. et tu contradicis diuinis testimoniis tanta firmitate roboratis, tanta luce manifestis et ad istam proscriptionem Christi hereditatem perducere conaris, ut, cum in eius nomine, sicut dixit, praedicetur paenitentia in omnibus gentibus, quisquis hac fuerit praedicatione commotus, in qualibet parte orbis terrarum, nisi quaesierit et inuenerit latentem in Mauretania Caesariensi Cartennensem Vincentium aut aliquem ex eius nouem aut decem consortibus, dimitti ei peccata non possint. quid non audeat typhus morticinae pelliculae? quo non se praecipitet praesumptio carnis et sanguinis? hocine est bonum opus tuum, propter quod non timeas potestatem? tantum scandalum ponis aduersus filium matris tuae paruulum scilicet et infirmum, propter quem Christus mortuus est, nondum cibo paterno idoneum sed adhuc materno lacte nutriendum et Hilarii mihi libros opponis, uti neges ecclesiam crescentem in omnibus gentibus usque in finem saeculi, quam deus contra incredulitatem uestram cum iuratione promisit! et cum essetis infelicissimi, si tunc, quando promittebatur, resisteretis, nunc etiam, cum redditur, contradicitis.

You hear the Gospel speak: “All things had to be fulfilled that are written in the law and the prophets and the psalms concerning me. Then he opened their minds to understand the Scriptures, and said to them: Thus it is written, and thus it was necessary for Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead on the third day, and for repentance and forgiveness of sins to be preached in his name among all nations, beginning from Jerusalem.” You read also in the Acts of the Apostles how this Gospel began from Jerusalem, where the Holy Spirit first filled those hundred and twenty, and went out from there into Judea and Samaria and to all nations, as he had told them when about to ascend into heaven: “You shall be my witnesses in Jerusalem and in all Judea and Samaria and to the ends of the earth”; for “their sound has gone out into all the earth, and their words to the ends of the world.” And you contradict divine testimonies so firmly established and so clearly manifest, and try to bring Christ's inheritance to such a proscription that, though repentance is preached in his name among all nations, as he said, whoever is moved by this preaching, in whatever part of the world, cannot have his sins forgiven unless he seeks out and finds Vincentius of Cartenna, hidden away in Mauretania Caesariensis, or one of his nine or ten partners! What would the conceit of a scrap of dead skin not dare? Where would the presumption of flesh and blood not hurl itself? Is this your good work, on account of which you need not fear the power? You set so great a stumbling block against your mother's son, a little one, weak, for whom Christ died, not yet fit for his father's food but still to be fed on his mother's milk; and you set against me the books of Hilary, to deny the church growing in all nations to the end of the world, which God promised with an oath against your unbelief! And though you would have been most unhappy if you had resisted when it was promised, now you contradict it even when it is fulfilled.

Luke 24:44 (quotation, high confidence) · Luke 24:45 (quotation, high confidence) · Luke 24:46 (quotation, high confidence) · Luke 24:47 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 1:15 (allusion, high confidence) · Acts 2:4 (allusion, high confidence) · Acts 1:8 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 19:4 (18:5 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 10:18 (quotation, medium confidence) · Ps 50:20 (49:20 LXX) (allusion, medium confidence) · Rom 14:15 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Cor 3:2 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The Gospel and Acts foretell repentance preached to all nations; Vincentius would make forgiveness depend on finding him in Mauretania.

  • Quotations: Luke 24:44–47; Acts 1:8; Ps 19:4 (18:5 LXX), cited in Rom 10:18. References: Acts 1:15; Acts 2:4; Ps 50:20; Rom 14:15; 1 Cor 8:11; 1 Cor 3:2. Hilary is presumably Hilary of Poitiers, whose works Vincentius had cited (the passage is not identified).

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.21 (CSEL 34.2:466–467; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-21).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-epistulae-93-21) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.22CSEL 34.2:467–468

Sed historicus doctus magnum aliquid inuenisti, quod contra dei testimonia proferendum putares. dicis enim: Quantum ad totius mundi pertinet partes, modica pars est in compensatione totius mundi, in qua fides Christiana nominatur, nec uis adtendere aut te nosse dissimulas, in quam multas iam barbaras nationes tam paruo tempore uenerit euangelium, ut nec inimici Christi dubitare iam possint breui tempore futurum, quod discipulis respondit de saeculi fine quaerentibus: Et praedicabitur hoc euangelium in uniuerso orbe in testimonium omnibus gentibus et tunc ueniet finis. i nunc et clama et contende, quantum potes: etiam si apud Indos et Persas euangelium praedicetur, ubi quidem iam diu praedicatur, nisi, quisquis hoc audierit, Cartennas uenerit uel in uiciniam Cartennensium, mundari a delictis suis omnino non poterit. itane si carueris ista uoce, rideri te metuis et, cum ea non cares, flere te non uis?

But, as a learned historian, you have found something great that you thought could be brought against the testimonies of God. For you say: “As regards the parts of the whole world, the part in which the Christian faith is named is small compared with the whole world.” And you will not consider, or you pretend not to know, into how many barbarian nations the Gospel has already come in so short a time, so that not even the enemies of Christ can now doubt that what he answered the disciples when they asked about the end of the world will come to pass in a short time: “And this Gospel will be preached in the whole world as a testimony to all nations, and then the end will come.” Go now, shout and argue as much as you can: even if the Gospel is preached among the Indians and Persians, where indeed it has long been preached, unless whoever hears it comes to Cartenna or the neighbourhood of Cartenna, he can by no means be cleansed from his sins! Is it, then, that if you refrained from saying this you fear you would be laughed at, and since you do not refrain, you do not want to be wept over?

Matt 24:14 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Vincentius argues that Christendom is small in the world; Augustine replies that the Gospel is spreading among barbarian nations as Christ foretold.

  • Quotation: Matt 24:14. The last sentence is compressed in the Latin; translated literally.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.22 (CSEL 34.2:467–468; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-22).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-epistulae-93-22) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.23CSEL 34.2:468–469

Acutum autem aliquid uideris dicere, cum catholicae nomen non ex totius orbis communione interpretaris sed ex obseruatione praeceptorum omnium diuinorum atque omnium sacramentorum, quasi nos, etiam si forte hinc sit appellata catholica, quod totum ueraciter teneat, cuius ueritatis nonnullae particulae etiam in diuersis inueniuntur haeresibus. huius nominis testimonio nitimur ad demonstrandam ecclesiam in omnibus gentibus et non promissis dei et tam multis tamque manifestis oraculis ipsius ueritatis. sed nempe hoc est totum. quod nobis persuadere conaris, solos remansisse Rogatistas. qui catholici recte appellandi sint ex obseruatione praeceptorum omnium diuinorum atque omnium sacramentorum, et uos esse solos, in quibus inueniat fidem, cum uenerit filius hominis. da ueniam, non credimus. licet enim et hoc audeas forsitan dicere, ut in uobis possit inueniri fides, quam se in terra non inuenturum dominus dixit, non uos in terra sed in caelo esse deputandos, nos tamen apostolus ita cautos reddidit, ut etiam angelum de caelo nobis aliud euangelizantem, praeterquam quod accepimus, anathema esse debere praeceperit. quo modo autem fidimus ex diuinis litteris accepisse nos Christum manifestum, si non inde accepimus et ecclesiam manifestam? quaslibet quisque ansas et uncos aduersus simplicitatem ueritatis intexat, quaslibet nebulas callidae falsitatis offundat, sicut anathema erit, qui adnuntiauerit Christum neque passum esse neque tertio die resurrexisse, quoniam in ueritate euangelica accepimus: Oportebat Christum pati et resurgere a mortuis tertia die, sic erit anathema, quisquis adnuntiauerit ecclesiam praeter communionem omnium gentium, quia eadem ueritate consequenter accepimus: Et praedicari in nomine eius paenitentiam et remissionem peccatorum per omnes gentes incipientibus ab Hierusalem et inconcusse tenere debemus: Quis quis uobis adnuntiauerit, praeterquam quod accepistis, anathema sit.

You seem to say something clever when you interpret the name “Catholic” not from the communion of the whole world but from the observance of all the divine commandments and all the sacraments; as if we, even if the church is perhaps called Catholic because it truly holds the whole (some small particles of which truth are found even in various heresies), relied on the testimony of this name to prove the church in all nations, and not on the promises of God and so many and such manifest oracles of the Truth himself. But this, of course, is the whole of what you try to persuade us: that the Rogatists alone are left, who are rightly to be called Catholics from the observance of all the divine commandments and all the sacraments, and that you are the only ones in whom the Son of Man will find faith when he comes. Pardon us, we do not believe it. For though you may perhaps dare to say even this, that you are to be reckoned not on earth but in heaven, so that in you may be found the faith that the Lord said he would not find on earth, yet the apostle has made us so wary that he commanded that even an angel from heaven preaching to us any other gospel than what we have received should be anathema. And how do we trust that we have received from the divine writings a manifest Christ, if we have not received from them a manifest church too? Whatever handles and hooks anyone may weave against the simplicity of truth, whatever fogs of cunning falsehood he may spread, just as anyone will be anathema who proclaims that Christ neither suffered nor rose on the third day, since we have received in the truth of the Gospel, “It was necessary for Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead on the third day”, so anyone will be anathema who proclaims a church apart from the communion of all nations, since we have received in the same truth, immediately after, “and for repentance and forgiveness of sins to be preached in his name among all nations, beginning from Jerusalem”; and we must hold unshaken: “Whoever proclaims to you anything other than what you have received, let him be anathema.”

Luke 18:8 (allusion, high confidence) · Gal 1:8 (quotation, high confidence) · Gal 1:9 (quotation, high confidence) · Luke 24:46 (quotation, high confidence) · Luke 24:47 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Vincentius explains “Catholic” as observance of all commandments; Augustine replies that the church is proven by Scripture's promise of all nations, not by the name.

  • References: Luke 18:8; Gal 1:8–9; Luke 24:46–47. The Greek katholikos means “according to the whole”, which both explanations play on.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip; OCR slip (ei for ex)): sed ei obseruatione → sed ex obseruatione; eallidae → callidae.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.23 (CSEL 34.2:468–469; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-23).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.

93.24CSEL 34.2:469–470

Si autem uniuersos Donatistas non audimus se pro ecclesia Christi opponentes, quia nullum pro se testimonium de diuinis libris proferunt, quo id doceant, quanto minus, rogo te, Rogatistas audire debemus, qui nec illud pro se interpretari conabuntur, quod scriptum est: Ubi pascis, ubi cubas in meridie? si enim hoc loco scripturarum meridies Africa intellegenda est in parte Donati, quod sub caeli feruentiore plaga est, omnes uos Maximianistae superabunt, quorum schisma in Byzantio et in Tripoli exarsit. sed confligant cum eis Arzuges et hoc magis ad se pertinere contendant. Mauretania tamen Caesariensis occidentali quam meridianae parti uicinior, quando nec Africam se uult dici, quo modo de meridie gloriabitur, non dico aduersus orbem terrarum sed aduersus ipsam partem Donati, unde pars Rogati breuissimum frustum de frusto maiore praecisum est? quis autem non inpudentissime nitatur aliquid in allegoria positum pro se interpretari, nisi habeat et manifesta testimonia, quorum lumine inlustrentur obscura?

If we do not listen to all the Donatists when they put themselves forward as the church of Christ, because they bring no testimony from the divine books to teach it, how much less, I ask you, ought we to listen to the Rogatists, who will not even try to interpret for themselves what is written: “Where do you feed, where do you lie down at noon?” For if in this passage of Scripture “noon” is to be understood as Africa, in the party of Donatus, because it lies under the hotter zone of the sky, the Maximianists will beat all of you, whose schism blazed up in Byzacena and Tripoli. But let the Arzuges fight it out with them and argue that this applies rather to themselves. Mauretania Caesariensis, however, being nearer the west than the south, since it does not even wish to be called Africa, how will it boast of the noon, I do not say against the whole world, but against the very party of Donatus, from which the party of Rogatus is a tiny scrap cut off from a bigger scrap? And who would not be most shameless to try to interpret something put in allegory in his own favour, unless he also has clear testimonies by whose light the obscure things may be illuminated?

Song 1:7 (1:6 LXX) (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: The Donatists read “Where do you lie down at noon?” as Africa; Augustine mocks the claim, which would favour the Maximianists, or the Arzuges, rather than the Rogatists of western Mauretania.

  • Quotation: Song 1:7 (1:6 LXX and Vulgate). The Arzuges were a people on the southern frontier of Tripolitania. The digital text reads “Byzantio”, evidently for Byzacena (the province); translated as Byzacena.

Topics: Heresy

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Ep. 93.24 (CSEL 34.2:469–470; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-epistulae/93-6/#p-93-24).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-epistulae-93-24) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Goldbacher (CSEL 34, 44, 57; 1895–1911); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of J. G. Cunningham in NPNF¹ 1 (1886) where it exists; letters it lacks or summarizes were re-read against the Latin.