On the Destruction of Jerusalem 1.44–1.46

Pseudonymous: Printed in Migne among the works of Ambrose and in the manuscripts under the name Hegesippus (a corruption of Josephus's name). The author is unknown; he reworked Josephus's Jewish War into Latin with Christian additions. Proposals include Ambrose, a Roman convert, and the circle of Ambrosiaster; none is secure.

Latin text: PL 15 (Latin text: Migne, PL 15 (1845), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (patrologia_latina-dev), University of Leipzig, CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0).

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Chapter 1

1.44PL 15:2025a–2031a

Reperiuntur etiam litteræ adversus Archelaum et Philippum fratres compositæ: hi regis erant filii, qui Romae instituebantur, quos Antipater ea vel maxime causa appetebat, quod videbat non mediocri praeditos sapientia, super quos rex patrium animum reclinabat. Denique evocaverat eos litteris, ut maturius domum regrederentur. Obstare itaque cos suis utilitatibus Antipater arbitrabatur, atque incumbere suis artibus, ut spe adolescentium simulata, omnia factionis suæ studia obumbrarentur. Componit itaque epistolas nomine virorum potentium, quos Romæ a positos in suam amicitiam illexerat: aliis quoque pretio extortum,.ut scriberent, quod adolescentes infestis patrem odiis urgerent, et nimio questu mortem Alexandri et Aristobuli deplorarent. Et cum hujusmodi epistolas clandestinis artibus per aulicos sceleris sui ministros, patri ingereret, eadem versutia, qua supra simulabat fratrum intercessorem, ut praetento pietatis patrocinio, impietatis subtexeret parricidium. Quibus omnibus in medium deductis cum quæstionibus, patris vita, epistolis, mors fratrum appetita evidentissime panderetur: b consilium diffinitur, de auctore supplicium sumendum, qui posteriora prodidisset ca!umnia, quod germanos suos non quasi parricidas, sed quasi legitimæ successionis æmulos persequeretur: non quo patrem defenderet, sed ne consortem regni haberet. Interea cum septem mensium curricula inter documenta flagitiorum, et reditum Antipatri concluderentur, nulla innotuere Antipatro indicia rerum gestarum, tanta circa eum universorum odia fervebant. Incertus igitur omnium, scribit ex urbe Roma continuo se adfore, summoque se honore dimissum a Cæsare: quibus litteris tectis, rescribit Herodes maturato eum contendere oportere, securum affectus paterni, cui non solum nihil imminatum per absentiam foret, verum etiam tanta accederet gratia, ut ejus contuitu matris offensa minueretur. Nam iterum domo eam deprehensam in artes filii consentire, consortio exutam regiæ liberalitatis compendiis eliminaverat,cui se remissurum indignationem scriptorum specie manifestaret, metuens ne comperta matris expulsione, suspiciones suas Antipater ad cavendum exsuscitaret. Adveniens itaque, Tarenti primum de Pheroræ obitu cognovit, ibique luctum magnum exercuit, quod a quibusdam pietatis affectui datum, eo quod patrui mortem impatienter doleret. Ille autem ministrum ausi parricidatis sibi sublatum ingemiscebat, nec solum non processisse sceleris apparatum, verum etiam venenum se dedisse terrori erat, ne c quomodo ad cognitionem Regis perveniret, et ille scenam criminis publicaret. Transit itaque in portum Cæsareæ haudquaquam vacuus gravioris curae ac sollicitudinis, cum a ei etiam mater non mediocre praejudicium condemnatae sobolis daret. Sed urgentibus amicis, qui patriæ cupiditate postponenda omnia quæ An<ipatro conducerent, arbitrarentur: e denique exspectato ejus ingenio. quo vel aversum patrem a sui gratia facile consiliis suis flectere solitus erat, hortantibus ut sese patri et prædestinato sibi regno ocius repræsentaret, quod nemo auderet eo præsente contra niw: sed occasio absentiae ejus sola arserit, ut averti posse ab eo regis animus æstimaretur. Et ideo praeveniendum mature, ne demorando magis aut desiderantem offenderet, aut suspectum exacerbaret, cum diffidentiam sui proderet. Credidit itaque magis i volentia quam necessaria suadentibus. Verum ubi portum ingressus est, neque quemquam sibi obvium circumspectav!t, et quasi pestem aliquam sensit suam praesentiam declinari, in summa locorum frequentia maximam solitudinem, cum occurrere nemo auderet: metuentibus aliis, aliis ad. versantibus, etenim id temporis et odia quo minus se tegerent, auctoritatem acceperant, reputare secum scelera sua cœpit, et conscientiae stimulis exagilari) nullum fugæ locum ncque evadendi subsidium sibi relictum: circumventum se vclut quibusdam retibus et captum teneri: fiduciam omnem assumpsit ex impudentia, ut dissimulatis omnibus impro. visum se patri offerret, in amplexum rueret, pictatis officia prætenderet. Verum ille extensis manibus ingerentem sese repellens et reclinans caput ne parricidæ osculo contingeretur, exclamavit et hac esse amentiae parricidalis, ut amplexum Petas cui, invisum te recognoscis, ut horrore tui afficias patrem, et contactu noxii corporis vivendi suavitatem extorqueas. Ne igitur contigeris, ne attaminaveris, quem scelere petisti. Purga certe prius si potes, deprehensa dilue: judicium non refugiam, nec audientiam tibi negari patiar, nec mihi ipse assumam cognitionem, nee argumentandi tibi occasionem relinquam. Opportune adest Varus, apud quem de. fensionem tui præpara. Nec differendi locus; crastina die, quamvis dolis et fraudibus præditus, labes purgandi tui copiam. At ille obstupefactus tantæ commotionis pavore, nil est ausus referre, nec potuit: sed egressus foras fluctuabat animo, quod nihil omnino ex his quae gesta erant et prodita apud patrem compererat. Advenientes autem ad eum postea mater et uxor aperuerant omnia. Quibus cognitis, sese colligere praeparare animo coepit, quibus modis criminationi occurreret, confessionem extenuaret. Seqnenti die congregantur omnes regis propinqui et amici Antipatri: intersunt examini universi: qui diversa de Antipatro prodiderant induci præcipiuntur. Leguntur etiam epislolæ matris Antipatri, in quibus illa ad filium scripserat, ut cognosceret pro. ditam patri suorum scenam flagitiorum: nequaquam eum debere adesse, nisi a Cæsare aliqua manus accerseretur, cujus se præsidio circumvallaret, neque se judicio committeret, qui tantorum confessionibus appetebatur, sed armis muniret. lIis ad superiora additis, iugressus Antipater, et sese ad vestigia dejiciens patris obsecrat, ne se prædamnatum habe. ret; considere se, si deferatur audientia, vacuum criminis fore, si pater vellet: jubet pater silere, atque eum istiusmodi sermone prævenit: Quod nulli justo veniabilis nequitia Antipatri possit videri satis certum est, sed eo magis gravari me apud te, Vare, arbitror. Vereor enim, ne etiam me oderis, qui parricidas generavi filios, quibus non posset etiam parcere pater: licet hoc quoque miserandus magis sim ita, quod et tales amavi. Sed de illis taceo quos ipse exasperavi, et justas adversus hunc allegationes eorum respui. Nullas enim Iri adversum me habuerunt causas doloris, nisi quod his Antipater praeferebatur, et consortii regalis prærogativau) acceperat, qui natus a regno non erat: putabam tamen quod majorem natu minoribus ad tutelam adsciscerelu. Sed hostem induxi qui invideret nobilioribus, excitaret puerulos, infirmos circumveniret, incautos proderet. Lapsos non nego, sed eos excusari polius, quam urgeri oportuit. Antipater hic mihi ei illos abstulit, hic mihi et illos fieri insidiatores contulit. Dolui, fateor, quod ii quibus regni spem dederam, quibus successionem reservaveram, adversum me iluproba machinarentur: sed manc non patrenl, sed Antipatrum oderant. Perierunt itaque ad dolorem patri, Antipatro ad fructum. Quæris, Vare, quis eos occiderit? Cognosce cui mors corum proleceriL. b Vacua est domus novercæ filio, patuit aula uni ad succedendunt, quæ multos successores habebat. Nec expletus est mone fratrum cruentus animus et mens irnpia. Postquam non habuit fratres quos odisset, patrem persequebatur. Repulo mecum, qui huic munimentum hæreditatis paravi: visus sum et c ipse diu vivere decessionem fastidienti: docui quid vellel, cui successionis competitores ademeram: morantem non passus cst: nec exspectavit regnum, nisi ut parricidio adipisceretur. Reddidit mihi vicom, quia projectum collegeram, et prætuleram nobilioribus. Cui enim tantum ex illis, quantum huic contuli? Cui ipse vivens potestate cesseram, teslamento apertu hæredem designaveram, quod sulet esse periculosum regibus, ut aliquis se successurum noverit. Quinquaginta in fructibus talenta concessi, trecenta Romam proficiscenti dedi: commendavi Cæsari quasi solum filium: nihil mihi reservavi, quod deberem parricidam timere: sed hoc eum magis ad parricidium armavit. quod se mėis beneficiis superiorem videret. Quid tantum sceleris cOlnluiserunt fratres ejus, quos ad mortem coegit? Aut quæ istiusmodi adversum illos indicia detecta, qualia istius deprehenduntur? Sed interrumpere atque obstrepere audet parricida et dolis tentat veritatem involvere? Caveas, Vare, admoneo, careas simulatas ejus lacrymas, et gemitus arte compositos, nec ullo expressos dolore. Hic est qui mihi pietatis affectum abstulit, cum a ficto metu cavendum admoneret Alexandrum, cum illo mentes plurimorum convcnire, asserens non temere committendam uuiversis præsentiam fnealn. Simulabat se circumspectare omnia, usque ad lectam deducere, discutere atque eXaminare singulus. Hic erat somni dispensator et minisler securitatis, in quo ego solatium constituebam, atque ejus officiis levabam de interfectis dolorem: arbitrabar quod eL illus Inibi redderet, maerorem auferret, pietatem oblellderel. Hic erat protector meust cui credebam corporis senilis custodian). Quomodo vivant nescio, quomodo tantum insidiatorem evaserim, quibus me circumvenerat delinimentis, quibus fraudibus vinctum tenebat, ut soli huic me crederem, quem solum caveri oportuit. Incredibile mihi est quod evasi, nec vivere mihi videor, sed somnium puto. Quis enim crederet, aut illum tan ingratum futurum, cui in me potestatem omnem conuuiseralu, aut me posse evadere, si Antipater nollet i Tutiorem tamen gratia Ine factum putabam. Sed quae (malum!) infelicilas, me, aut adversum rue eos faciat insurgere. quos plus dilexerim? Deploro ærumnam domus meæ, Vare, defleo solitudinem, ingemisco vim tanti doloris. Sed tamen tanta est acerbitas sceleris parricidalis, ut neminem mihi patiar evadere, quicunque sitierit sanguinem meum, etiamsi in omnes filios meos affectati parricidii indicia promantur. Cum bæc diceret, indignatione pariter ac dolore intercEpta vox esi loquentis. Continuo Antipater elevans caput, velut ictus enim et sancius vulnere jacebat ante pedes patris, nec assurgere audebat, exclamans, ait TUt quidem pater, lit iratus accusas, sed mihi nulla major defensio, qnam testimonium accusationis tuæ, quia semper fui custos tuæ salulis. Defensionem igitur pro me vulo accusantis adhibuisti. Quomodo enim parricida ego, quem ipse tuum protectorem fateris? Aut quomorio circumspectus atque astutus, quem cOnlluuntatorem arguis parricidii? cum extremæ insipientiæ sit cngitassc, qnod et apud homines exsecrabile sit, et apud Deum inultum esse non possit. Vel fratrum exemplo doceri potu!, nullum tanti sceleris effugium fore, quod scelus istiusmodi nec latebram inveniat nec pœnam evadat, quandoquidem et illi pro tanta in te malevolentia pœnas dederunt: at illos invidia quaedam ( ut dicis) impulerit ad parricidium, quod me sibi præferri videbant, quibus materni generis nobilitas animas debat, ut regnum quasi ex materna successione sibi debitum vindicarent. et quibus a te ereptum reposcerent. Quid tale ego, qui nescivi reguum nisi de te sperare, tuum judicium quærere, tibi soli placere? Quid autem erat, quod me adversum mam salutem audere aliquid impelleret9An regni cupido? sed regnabam: an adii suspicio? sed diligebur: an injurie dolor? sed præferebar. Si illus sola fortnido prælationis meae armaverit ad parricidium, ego absolvar: quia nesciunt præla'i parricidium cogitare, a sed odis8e. Nisi forte aliquis ex te me melus compulit. Verum ego, ut mihi vox tua testis est, nibil sciebam nisi pro te timore. Quid enim, mibi Limereol, qui mitister eram tuæ securitatis, et dispensatur quietis? An vero inopia pecuniæ et egestas coegit, quae solet indigentibus suadere latrocinium Sed dederas, quod non solum in præsens, sed cHam in omne tempus abundaret, et divitem Romam miseras, ut regum reges prolluu- (iarent imperii apud se principatum esse, non dicitiarum. Denique Fabatum illum Romanæ rei moderatorem, et intimum Caesaris tibi cepi, et a Sylæo ingenti b impulsus pecunia, ut te impugnaret, ita coulnlulavi, ut fieret tuus defensor, et sollicitatoris sui proditor. Per quem pater ain insidiatores tuæ salutis detecti sunt? Quomodo ergo parricida ego, qni custodem tui corporis Corinthum latentem deprehendi? insidiantem removi? ad confessiones negantes deduxi9 Potui parricidium nun cogitare, et parricidii fructum habere, si tacuissem. Sed mihi si bestiarum immanitas, si atrocium ferarum inesset furor, tamen tantis beneficiis tuis mansuescere potui, ut nullam opem nisi in tuae salutis subsidio constituerem, ut pro omnibus tibi vel solam charitatem referrem, te meo corpore protogerem, te inlinis, si Geri posset, visceribus includerem: prætuleras nobilioribus filiis materna stirpe minus no. bilem, matrem quoque regni exsulem in regnum vocaveras, nec jam successorem me huperii, sed quasi consortem habebas. 0 miser ego. cui tantum liberalitas tua bonorum effuderat, ut invidia succederet!0 stultissimus elo, qui te, pater, reliquiI si datus est invidiae locus, et potestas insidiantibus. Namque dnm ego pro tua salute diu demoror, meam prodidi: ettamen nibil babco, quod mibi ascribam. Tu Me, pater, abire jussisti, tibi cgo peregrinabar, pater, ne tuam senectutem Sylæus circumveniret, ne te viventemregno elueret, nec apud Caesarem tuam salutem appeteret. Testis est mihi Roma pie. tatis, Cæsar quoqne praesul orbis terrarum, et censor universorum atque arbiter mei pectoris, qui me amantem patris appellare solitus erat. Testificare Cæsar, quid Ego de patre spud te loquebar, apud quem solum nocere potuissem, Testificare, inquam, mihi, qui de aliis pronuntiaveras. Nee dissimulandum parricidium, sed inquirendum putasti. 0 si mihi aspiraret præsentia tual sed absens es, et longe positus, et ego sine te a patre dijudicor. Ades tamen, et in litteris tuis praesens es: tua scripta offero, quae solent parricidæ timere. Tuam epistolamporte, qnam solent promere, qui cupiunt parrieidium non latere. Suscipe, pater, litteras Cæsaris. ipsA te instruat, qui dudum vindicavit. Suscipe Caesaris scripta, argumentis omnibus validiora. Quibus usus es dudum ad ultionem, utere nunc ad salutem, Hos ergo apices defero innocentiae meæ testes: illa dextera numquam te fefellit; illa dextera Caesaris diadema tibi imposuit, non ademit: illa manus Caesaris regnum tibi, quod abjeceras, repræsentavit. Potuit IDe prius Caesar odisse, si fratrem similem deprehendisset: sed cognovit et pronuntiavit interpretem, qui nisi Romæ fuissem, Sylæus vicerat. Illi ego hodie adjudicor, illi pœnas miser pendo. Memento, pater, quia non voluntarius navigavi. Videbam mihi jam parari foveas insidiatorum: malui tamen IDe politiS, pater, quam te periclitari. Nec tameu exhorresco salutis periculum, sed apud te, pater, doleo, me quasi tuum hostem periclilari. Periclitor tamen, si apud te et Cæaris testimonia periclitantur. His ergo utor indiciis mere defensionis: Caesarem non appello, quasi audiendus, sed imploro, quasi ahsolveDdus. Quod si judicium exercendum existimas. ecce, mi pater.ad te veni post Cæsarem, ad te festinavi a Cæsare. Utinam quidem nusquam a te Ibiissem. Sed tu me, pater, nesciens periculis objecisti jubens pergere. Praesto sum, pater, nec perfunctorie de levioribus testibus requirendafn pro salute tua veritatem aestimo. Nun præjudicent, qui possunt timere tormenta, nec qui possunt contemnere. Omnis homo mendax, dixit Scriptura. Ego defero incorruptibilia elementorum testimonia. Venio ad te per maria et per terras nusquam aliquid passus. Parricida debui nun evadere, si reus essem. Absolvat me, pater, apud te caelum quod non fulminavit, mare quod non demersit, terra quae non absorbuit: per hæc ad te tutus venio, pater: quae non solent evadere, ctiam qui non sunt patrum Benitalium parricidae. Datham et Abirom hiatus voravit terrae, nec tamen genitalem appetierant patrem. Absalon fugientem arboris suae ramis terra suspendit, ne ad patrem perveniret, ad quem si pervenisset, evaserat. Ego ad te veni, et adhuc periclitor. David parricidam suum, quia servare non potuit, vindicavit: ego de inimicis et calumniatoribus vindicari non expeto, ut eos ad tormenta vocem: tu. crentur illi poenam calumniæ. Unum rogo, pater, ne alienis credas tormentis: de nemetipso adversum me require supplicia. Suspende reum tuum, in viscera mea pergat interrogatio veritatis, in corpus muem atque in interiora penetralia,descendant fidicula qnæstionum ł proflut sanguis, qui solet parricidium clamare, ferantur ignes in artus noxios. Quid dubitas, pater? si parcis, innocentem pronuntias: si a cruciatu temperas, absolvis crimina. Non Est parricida, qui simplici morte dignus putatur. Aut si ut filio parcis, et ex te genitis membris com, pateris; non sunt membra tua, quæ sunt ministeria crudelitatis. Hæc ubi locutus est, magno fletu et gemitu lamentabili finem dicendi fecit, ululatuque maximo Varum et omnes ad miserationem inflexit: Bolus Hcrodcs nu!!is movebatur lacrymis, atque ipse a actu temperavit intractabilis ad veniam, quæstioni imminens, vindictam expetens.

Letters were also found that had been composed against the brothers Archelaus and Philip. These were sons of the king who were being educated at Rome, whom Antipater attacked above all because he saw that they were endowed with no small wisdom and that the king was resting a father's affection on them. In fact he had summoned them by letter to return home sooner. So Antipater thought they stood in the way of his interests, and he applied his arts so that, by a pretended concern for the young men, all the efforts of his faction would be overshadowed. He composed letters in the names of powerful men placed at Rome whom he had drawn into his friendship; from others too he extorted by bribery that they write that the young men were pressing their father with hostile hatred and lamenting with excessive complaint the death of Alexander and Aristobulus. And he pressed such letters on his father by secret arts through the courtiers who served his crime, with the same cunning with which he had earlier feigned to be his brothers' intercessor, so that under the pretext of a devoted patronage he wove in the parricide of impiety. When all these things had been brought into the open by the examinations, and it was most clearly laid bare that the father's life had been sought by the poison and the death of the brothers by the letters, the council decided that punishment should be taken of the author, who had betrayed by later slander that he had persecuted his brothers not as parricides but as rivals for the lawful succession—not to defend his father, but so as not to have a partner in the kingdom. Meanwhile, though seven months passed between the proofs of his crimes and Antipater's return, no evidence of what had been done became known to Antipater, so great was the hatred of all around him. Uncertain of everything, therefore, he wrote from the city of Rome that he would soon arrive, and that he had been dismissed by Caesar with the highest honor. Concealing what he knew, Herod wrote back that he should hurry, secure in his father's affection; not only had nothing been lessened by his absence, but so much favor was added that out of regard for him his mother's offense was lessened. For Herod had again caught her at home consenting to her son's arts, had stripped her of her share and banished her from the advantages of royal liberality; to her he made a show in his letters of remitting his indignation, fearing that if Antipater learned of his mother's expulsion, he would rouse his suspicions to be on guard. So on his way he first learned at Tarentum of Pheroras's death, and there made great mourning, which some attributed to an affection of devotion, as though he grieved impatiently at his uncle's death. But he was groaning that the agent of his parricidal attempt had been taken from him; and not only had the preparation of the crime not gone forward, but he was terrified that he had given the poison, lest in some way it come to the king's knowledge and he publish the drama of the crime. So he crossed to the port of Caesarea, by no means free of heavier care and anxiety, since his mother also gave no small presumption of the condemnation of her offspring. But his friends urged him on—men who thought everything should be put off that served Antipater's desire to return home—and, relying on his ingenuity, by which he was used to easily bending even a father turned against him back to favor by his counsels, they urged him to present himself quickly to his father and to the kingdom destined for him, since no one would dare to speak against him while he was present; the opportunity of his absence alone had kindled the hope that the king's mind could be turned from him. And so he must forestall it in good time, lest by delaying he either offend a father who longed for him or exasperate one who suspected him, by betraying his distrust. So he believed those who urged what was agreeable rather than what was necessary. But when he entered the port and saw no one coming to meet him, and felt his presence avoided like a plague—the greatest solitude amid the greatest crowd of the place, since no one dared to meet him, some fearing, others hostile, for at that time hatreds too had received the authority not to hide—he began to reckon with his crimes and to be harried by the goads of conscience: no place of flight or help of escape was left him; he was surrounded and held captive as if in nets. He took all his confidence from impudence, so that, concealing everything, he presented himself unexpectedly to his father, rushed into his embrace, and put forward the offices of devotion. But Herod, pushing him away as he pressed in with outstretched hands, and turning his head aside so as not to be touched by the kiss of a parricide, cried out: “This too belongs to the madness of a parricide, that you seek the embrace of one to whom you know you are hateful—to fill your father with horror of you, and by the touch of a guilty body to wring out the sweetness of living. Do not touch, do not defile, the man you have attacked by crime. Clear yourself first if you can; wash away what has been detected. I will not avoid a trial, nor let a hearing be denied you, nor take the inquiry upon myself, nor leave you an opportunity for argument. Varus is here at the right time; prepare your defense before him. There is no room for delay; tomorrow, however well furnished with tricks and frauds you are, you will have the opportunity to clear yourself.” He, stunned by fear of such agitation, dared not and could not reply; but going outside he wavered in mind, because he had learned nothing at all of what had been done and disclosed to his father. But afterwards his mother and wife came to him and revealed everything. When he learned it, he began to collect himself and to prepare in mind how to meet the accusation and weaken the confession. On the next day all the king's relatives and Antipater's friends assembled; all were present at the examination. Those who had reported various things about Antipater were ordered to be brought in. Letters of Antipater's mother were also read, in which she had written to her son to let him know that the drama of their crimes had been betrayed to his father; he should by no means come unless some force were summoned from Caesar to surround him with its protection; he should not commit himself to a trial, attacked as he was by the confessions of so many, but fortify himself with arms. When this had been added to the rest, Antipater came in and, throwing himself at his father's feet, begged him not to hold him condemned in advance: he was confident, if a hearing were granted, that he would be free of the charge, if his father wished. His father ordered him to be silent and forestalled him with this speech: “That the wickedness of Antipater cannot seem pardonable to any just man is certain enough; but I think I am the more burdened in your eyes, Varus. For I fear you may hate me too, who begot parricidal sons whom even a father could not spare—though in this I am the more to be pitied, that I loved even such sons. But of those I say nothing, whom I myself exasperated, and whose just pleas against this man I rejected. For they had no cause of grief against me except that Antipater was preferred to them and had received the privilege of royal partnership, though he was not born of royal stock. Yet I thought that the elder was being taken on as guardian for the younger. But I brought in an enemy to envy the nobler ones, rouse the boys, trap the weak, betray the unwary. I do not deny that they fell; but they ought rather to have been excused than pressed. This Antipater took them from me; this man made them plotters against me. I grieved, I confess, that those to whom I had given the hope of the kingdom, for whom I had reserved the succession, should contrive wickedness against me; but they hated not their father but Antipater. So they perished, to their father's grief and Antipater's profit. Do you ask, Varus, who killed them? Learn whom their death profited. The house was empty for the stepmother's son; the palace, which had many successors, lay open for one to succeed. Nor was his bloody mind and impious spirit filled by the death of his brothers. When he had no more brothers to hate, he persecuted his father. I reflect that I prepared for this man the security of his inheritance; I seemed to him, impatient for my departure, to be living too long myself. I taught him what he wanted, when I took away his rivals for the succession: he could not bear my delay, nor did he wait for the kingdom except to gain it by parricide. He repaid me in kind for having picked him up when cast off and preferred him to the nobler. To which of them did I give as much as to him? To him I yielded power while still alive; by an open will I named him heir, which is usually dangerous for kings—that someone should know he will succeed. I granted him fifty talents in revenues; I gave him three hundred when he set out for Rome; I commended him to Caesar as if my only son. I kept nothing for myself for which I should fear a parricide; but this armed him the more for parricide, that he saw himself raised above me by my kindnesses. What so great a crime did his brothers commit, whom he drove to death? Or what evidence of this kind was found against them, such as is found against him? But does the parricide dare to interrupt and shout and try to wrap the truth in tricks? Beware, Varus, I warn you; beware his feigned tears and groans composed by art and pressed out by no grief. This is the man who took from me my fatherly affection, when, with feigned fear, he warned me to beware of Alexander—saying that the minds of very many were agreeing with him, and that my presence should not be rashly entrusted to everyone. He pretended to look around at everything, to conduct me even to my bed, to sift and examine each person. He was the dispenser of my sleep and the servant of my security, in whom I placed my comfort, and by whose services I relieved my grief for those who were killed; I thought he was giving those back to me, taking away my sorrow, and pleasing my devotion. He was my protector, to whom I entrusted the guarding of my aged body. How I live I do not know, how I escaped so great a plotter, with what blandishments he had surrounded me, with what frauds he held me bound, so that I entrusted myself to this one man whom alone I should have guarded against. It is incredible to me that I escaped; I do not seem to be alive, I think it a dream. For who would believe either that he would be so ungrateful, to whom I had entrusted all power over myself, or that I could escape if Antipater did not wish it? Yet I thought I had been made safer by his favor. But what unhappiness—curse it!—makes those whom I loved most rise up against me? I lament the misfortune of my house, Varus; I weep for my loneliness; I groan at the force of so great a grief. Yet so great is the bitterness of the crime of parricide that I will let no one escape, whoever has thirsted for my blood, even if evidence of attempted parricide is brought forward against all my sons.” As he said this, the speaker's voice was cut off by indignation and grief alike. At once Antipater, raising his head—for he lay before his father's feet as if struck and wounded, not daring to rise—cried out and said: “You, father, accuse in anger; but I have no greater defense than the testimony of your accusation, because I was always the guardian of your safety. So you have supplied a defense for me in your role as accuser. For how am I a parricide, whom you yourself confess to have been your protector? Or how circumspect and astute, whom you charge as the contriver of parricide? It would be the height of folly to have thought of what is execrable among men and cannot go unpunished with God. Or I could have been taught by my brothers' example that there would be no escape from so great a crime, since a crime of this kind finds no hiding place and escapes no punishment—for they too paid the penalty for such great ill will toward you. And them, as you say, a certain envy drove to parricide, because they saw me preferred to themselves, to whom the nobility of their mother's line gave spirit to claim the kingdom as owed them by maternal succession, and to demand back what you had taken from them. What of that kind is there in me, who knew to hope for the kingdom only from you, to seek your judgment, to please you alone? What was there that would drive me to dare anything against your safety? Desire for the kingdom? But I was reigning. Suspicion of hatred? But I was loved. Pain at an injury? But I was preferred. If the mere fear of my preference armed them for parricide, I shall be acquitted; for those who are preferred do not know how to think of parricide, but only how to be hated. Unless perhaps some fear of you drove me. But I, as your own voice testifies, knew no fear but fear for you. For what should I fear, who was the servant of your security and the dispenser of your rest? Or did lack of money and need compel me, which usually urges robbery on the needy? But you had given me what would abound not only for the present but for all time, and had sent me rich to Rome, so that the kings of kings might declare that the leadership of rule, not of riches, was with them. Indeed I won for you Fabatus, administrator of Roman affairs and Caesar's intimate; and though he was driven by a huge sum from Syllaeus to attack you, I so changed him that he became your defender and the betrayer of the man who tempted him. Through whom, father, were the plotters against your safety discovered? How then am I a parricide, I who caught Corinthus, the guard of your body, lurking—removed the plotter, brought those who denied to confession? I could have refrained from thinking of parricide and still had the fruit of parricide, had I kept silent. But even if the savagery of beasts, the fury of fierce wild animals, were in me, I could have been tamed by such great kindnesses of yours, so as to place no help except in the protection of your safety, to return you for everything at least love alone, to shield you with my body, to enclose you, if it could be done, in my inmost heart. You had preferred to your nobler sons one less noble by his mother's stock; you had called my mother, an exile from the kingdom, back into the kingdom; and you held me no longer as successor to the rule but as a partner. Wretched me, on whom your liberality had poured so many goods that envy followed! Most foolish I, who left you, father, if room has been given to envy and power to the plotters! For while I lingered long for your safety, I betrayed my own; and yet I have nothing to blame myself for. You ordered me, father, to go away; for you I was abroad, father, so that Syllaeus would not circumvent your old age, would not drive you from the kingdom while you lived, would not attack your safety before Caesar. Rome is witness to my devotion; Caesar too, ruler of the world, censor of all and judge of my heart, who used to call me ‘the lover of my father.’ Bear witness, Caesar, to what I said about my father before you, before whom alone I could have done harm. Bear witness for me, I say, you who pronounced on others. You did not think a parricide should be concealed, but investigated. O, if only your presence might favor me! But you are absent and far away, and I am judged by my father without you. Yet be present, and you are present in your letters: I offer your writings, which parricides usually fear. I bring your letter, such as those bring out who wish a parricide not to be hidden. Take, father, Caesar's letter; let him instruct you, who once avenged you. Take Caesar's writings, stronger than all arguments. What you once used for vengeance, use now for safety. So I bring these lines as witnesses of my innocence: that right hand never deceived you; that right hand of Caesar set the diadem on you, did not take it away; that hand of Caesar restored to you the kingdom you had cast down. Caesar could earlier have hated me, had he found me like my brothers; but he came to know me and pronounced me the interpreter without whom, had I not been at Rome, Syllaeus would have won. To him I am today handed over; to him, wretched, I pay the penalty. Remember, father, that I did not sail of my own will. I saw the pits of the plotters already being prepared for me; yet I preferred, father, that I rather than you be endangered. Nor do I shudder at the danger to my life; but before you, father, I grieve to be endangered as if your enemy. Yet I am endangered if before you even Caesar's testimony is endangered. These, then, are the evidences of my defense I use. I do not appeal to Caesar as if to be heard, but I implore him as one to be acquitted. But if you think a trial must be held, see, my father, I came to you after Caesar; I hurried to you from Caesar. Would that I had never gone away from you! But you, father, without knowing it, exposed me to dangers when you ordered me to go. I am here, father, and I do not think the truth for your safety should be sought perfunctorily from lighter witnesses. Let those not prejudge who can fear torture, nor those who can despise it. ‘Every man is a liar,’ said Scripture. I bring the incorruptible testimony of the elements. I come to you over seas and lands, having suffered nothing anywhere. As a parricide I should not have escaped, were I guilty. Let heaven acquit me before you, father, which did not strike with lightning; the sea, which did not drown; the earth, which did not swallow. Through these I come to you safe, father—these from which even those escape not who are not parricides of their own fathers. The opening of the earth devoured Dathan and Abiram, yet they had not attacked their own father. As Absalom fled, the earth hung him on the branches of its tree, so that he would not reach his father; had he reached him, he would have escaped. I have come to you, and I am still in danger. David avenged his parricide because he could not save him; I do not ask to be avenged of my enemies and slanderers so as to call them to torture: let them pay the penalty of slander. One thing I ask, father: do not believe the tortures of others; seek tortures against me from myself. Hang up your defendant; let the inquiry of truth enter my entrails; let the cords of torture go down into my body and inmost parts; let the blood flow that usually cries out against parricide; let fire be brought to my guilty limbs. Why do you hesitate, father? If you spare me, you pronounce me innocent; if you refrain from torture, you acquit me of the charges. He is no parricide who is thought worthy of a simple death. Or if you spare me as a son and have compassion on limbs begotten of you, they are not your limbs that are instruments of cruelty.” When he had said this, he finished speaking with great weeping and lamentable groaning, and with the loudest wailing he moved Varus and everyone to pity. Herod alone was moved by no tears, and himself refrained from weeping, unbending toward pardon, intent on the inquiry, seeking vengeance.

Ps 116:11 (115:2 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Num 16:31 (allusion, high confidence) · 2 Sam 18:9 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Antipater's forged letters against his brothers are discovered; he returns from Rome unaware, and before Varus Herod accuses him and Antipater makes a long defense.

  • Follows Josephus, J.W. 1.602–638; both speeches are greatly expanded by the author. In Antipater's speech the author has him cite Scripture: “Every man is a liar” (Ps 116:11; Ps 115:2 in the Latin and Greek numbering), Dathan and Abiram swallowed by the earth (Num 16:31–33), and Absalom caught in the tree (2 Sam 18:9); “David avenged his parricide” is obscure and translated as written. “Kings of kings” is unclear in context; translated as printed.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip): Demque evocaverat → Denique evocaverat; illexcr;n → illexerat; ingererct → ingereret; iratrum → fratrum; quibns litteris → quibus litteris; cognidonem → cognitionem; palrem → patrem; accersercLur → accerseretur; Vcreor → Vereor; aUegationes → allegationes; QuinqUaginta → Quinquaginta; dolurc → dolore; Omnis horno natndas → Omnis homo mendax; nosquam → nusquam; hiatus voravit terne → hiatus voravit terrae; viacera → viscera.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 1.30–32 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 1.44 (PL 15:2025a–2031a; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/1-44). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

1.45PL 15:2031a–2033c

Successit orationi Antipatri Nicolaus regis mandato, qui astute ejus responderet versutiis et inflexos a miseratione abduceret, referendo in Antipatrum fraternae invidiam necis, allegando quod si quos moveret misericordia, illorum misereri deceret, qni ejus perempti fraudibus, ultionem requirerent. Si anum absolverent, omnis domus regia in periculum deduceretur, germani, omnes, parentes, ipse rex, cujus saluti non pepercisset. Itaque conversus ad oratorum versutias, velut a (narratione miseralionis) epilogo quodam excitabat ab inferis peremptorum animas, qui miserabili questu replerent subsellia, insontes se oppetisse, subornatis b gravibus testibus, compositis epistolis, fraudulentis sermonibus circumventum patrem, credidisse filio, quem non pu. taret de fratribus posse mentiri. c Offert nunc supplicia sua qui fratrum tormentis non credidisset, quos onustos vinculis obligaverit, ne cognitioni interessent, in absentes latam sententiam, cum longe poshi essent necatos, ne corum pater misereretur, Nullum itaque reliquum futurum si iste evaderet, doctus venena parricidalia suorum visceribus infundere, mutare mentes hommum, qui etiam pheroram semper amantissimum fratris, Herodis in necem ejus parricidio funesto exsuscitaverit. Ad haec, cnm plurima alia excitandæ commotionis gratia Nicolaus addidisset, abi sermonem absolvit, interrogatus a Varo est Antipater, si respondere vellet. Nihil aliud retulit, nhi (Deus mihi testis estj quia nihil læsi. Tum Varus venenum proferri, atque id dari jussit uni de his, qni jam rei mortis adjudicati essent. Quo epotato, statim mortuus est. De quo relatum ad Cæsarem est, et in vincula Antipatcr imperio patris inducitur: nec tamen ab insidiis vacuus erat. Nam tum maxime Salomes periculum dolis tentabat directis epistolis, quas Salomes nomine Antipater composuerat, plenis in regem contumeliarum atque ad Acmen ancillam Juliæ quae uxor Caesaris erat, per Antiphili servulum perferri jusserat, quas Acmes sibi redditas regi transmitteret: ac pene in mulieris perniciem fraus convaluerat, ni reperta esset epistola Acmes ad Antipatrum, quae dolum prodidit, scripta in hunc modum: Sicut voluisti, patri tuo scripsi, et epistolas illas direxi: nec dubito regem in periculum sororis insurrecturum. Tu vicem restitue optato effectu potitus. His litteris deprehensis, rex in suspicionem deductus, quod etiam Alexander pari arte compositis a fratre esset appetitus epistolis, et nimia commotione exasperatus, aegritudinem gravem contraxit. Quo se videns urgeri periculo, Antipam anum ex filiis haeredem imperii d scripsit, praelatum Archelao et Philippo senioribus liberis, quoniam ipsos quoque Antipater dolis atque fallaciis suspectos patri fecerat. Caesari legavit mille talenta, donis muneribusque additis. In uxorem et filios, libertos atque amicos quinquaginta contulit: nec Salomen sororem munerum suorum expertem reliquit. Procedebat in deterius ægritudo atque accessu temporis e exasperabatur, quam imbecilla senectus suis incommoditatibus acerbabat quotitlie. Siquidem non minus septuagenario gra. vatum annis corpus, crebro quoque moerore animi afflictum gerebat, tot parricidiis f convulneratus, quæ aut deprehendisse in filiis extremæ miscriæ erat, aut intulisse. Immedicabilis tamen ægritudinis fervor, quod superstes Antipater mctuebatur. Contemptus quoque in dies vilior, quod imagines Cresaris atque animalium similitudines contra legem tempo appositae detrahebantur, auctoribus maxime Juda atque Matthia juventutis doctoribus qui 6 co-, gnitis ct conspirantibus sibi venisse tempusaiebant, quo violatae legis injuria vindicaretur: Dare pœnas sacrilegum, qui putaret fas esse quidquid potestati liceret: nec religione inclinatum, sed elatum superbia in penetralibus templi faciendi quod vellet, libidinem pro jure exercuisset. Et quamvis divina ultio mortem et acceleraret: tamen pulchrum videri, si etiam h templi sacrati libertatem suamin, defendendis paterni rins observationibus approba. rent: nec periculi metu quemquam revocari oportere, cum etiam mori pro lege patria insigne immortalitatis sit: primique adorsi auream aquilam supra fastigium portæ affixam detrahere comprehensi, atque ad regem perducti: cum interrogarennr, cui obedire cupientes, tantum facinus adorsi forent, responderunt legi paternae. Iterum quærenti, quo freti lætiores adessent, cum ad mortis vocarentur periculum, responderunt: Pietatis et devotionis præmiis, quorum remuneratio pro ritu patrio mortem expetentibus persolveretur. Nec diutius ferre ponit responsionis constantiam, sed indignatione super ægritudinem facta, ut infirmitatem vinceret, in conventum populi processit, ibique tamquam sacrilegii reos ad plebem deferens accusare caepit, quod majora de factis talibus suspectarenlur. Quae etiam si non probarentur, tamen cuncti sibi quisque metuentes, auctorum qui comprehensi forent, luenda supplicia deprecabantur. Nec pergendun: in cæteros, ne quaestio plures atque alienos et innoxios perturbaret: rogatus itaque in præsentes sententiam tulit, ut vivi exurerentur: unde incommoditas aucta, et gravioris aegritudinis vis, diversis totum corpus ejus passionibus depascebatur. Febris erat vehemens, prurigo intolerabilis, continui ac sine ulla intermissione interiorum dolores viscerum, collo medius vexabatur, hydrope gravabantur vestigia, abscondita corporis scatebant vermibus, A sparsim tutius corporis, anhclitus gravis et suspiria perniciosa: res indicio erat, quod injusti parricidii et sacrilegæ damnations poena reposceretur. Non cedebat tamen animo, et vivendi cupiditate passionibus reluctabatur. Petit trans Jordanem calores aquæ calidae, sed nihil profuerunt. Asphaltites lacus, pterisque medicabilis, sine ullo profectu aegrum tenebat. Ubi dum oleo plurhuo foveretur, laxato resotutus corpore, morientium specie oculos invertit, et vox defecerat, nec sensus manebat: sed b exercitatus strepitu conclamantium resumpsit, et ad sua regredi cupiens, ubi ad regionem loci qui appellabatur Hiericho, advenit, atro felle exagitatus, et ipsi quodammodo morti minitans immane facinus excogitavit, quo velut inferae sibi populi mitterentur. Namque ex omni Judaea congregari jamdudum praecipiens quosque nobiliores, ut ex singulis vicis in unum convenirent: ubi inperio obtemperatum est, claudi cos intra hippodromum jussit, et accersita Salome atque ejus c Alexa viro, legatum sanguinis mandavit, asserens lætitiæ populis gentis Judææ suam mortem futuram; et ideo commentum se, quo praeclarissime suum epitaphium cctebrarctur, deposcere a suis, ut cum ultmum exhotasset spiritum, cos statim omnes qui clausi tcnebanlur, necari juberent: ita nemincm futurum in universa Judæa atque in omni domo, cui mors ejus esset iIlacrymabilis, cum universis j domesticis luctus Iraereditatem dereliquisset; qui dum suorum deplorant necem, justa regi viderentur persolvere, atque ita publicorum lætitia voLum domesticis doloribus inlpedircLur. Ac ne forte scelesta imperia mandata exsecutio destitueret, quinquagenas drachmas jussit militibus dari, ut tali sceleris imposita mercede, ferale ministerium milites non recusarent: compensaturi exsecutionis horrorem remunerationis emolumemo. Cedebat prope jam tantae incommoditatis gratia suppliciis, sed exspectabat funesta responsa legationis, quae retulit de Acme supplicium sumptum ad Herodis querelam: Antipatrum quoque convktum parricidii morti adjudicatum, tamen repulsu patria et regno, pater fugae potestatem tribuere, si vellet, Cæsar juberet, sententiam sceleri ferens, consilium pietati relinquens. Solverat natura parricidii necessitatem: nam recreatus paulisper, permissa sibi puniendi, ut vellet potestate, dum do genere necis tractat, distentus doloribus 0 propere diem mortis pervenire desideraverat. Poposcit itaque matum, pariterque gladium, ut eo pomum solitus incidere refectionis aliquid assumeret, et paulisper sese attollens cubitoque adnixus, levavit dexteram, cupiens sese ferire, sed occurrit Achiabus, et impedivit ictum, luctuque tota concrepuit damus, ut obiisse Herodes foris æstimatur. Exsultavit Antipater ad sonum planctus, et a custodibus adhibitis postulavit, ut vinculis resolveretur: sed praepositus ei muneri non solum abnuit quod rogabatur, sed etiam regi annuntiavit. Exclamans ille insultari adhuc sibi viventi, percussores direxit, qui Antipatrum interficerent, caesumque sepelire jussit in Hyrcania, atque iterum mutavit testamentum, regemque Arcbelaum iustituit seniorem ex fratribus: Antipae tctrarchiam reliquit. Quinque itaque diebus Antipatro superstes defecit: triginta et septem annis ex quo a Romanis imperitare jussus est, regno potitus: ex quo autem Antigonum sustulit regni æmulum, annos triginta quatuor imperio exegit: utinam tam domestico usu, quam publicis laetus successibus. Namque ita foris secundæ ei res aspiraverunt, ut privatus in regnuo) adscisceretur, eoque per multa usus annorum eurricula, quod difficile salvo potestatis usu decederet, relinquens Uberis imperii successionem. quam ipse a suis non acceperat. Sed intra domum infelicissimus, quam acerbo suorum sanguine et luctu replevit; nec tamen exsecutionem invenit ultimæ crudclitatis, hoc uno Salome oblitterante criminum suorum ludibria superiora, quod cos quos percuti rex jusserat omnes dimisit, dicens regem præcepti feralis postea poenituisse: revocatisque mandatis superioribus, præcepisse, ut ad sua omnes dimitterentur.

After Antipater's speech, at the king's command, Nicolaus followed, to answer his tricks cleverly and to draw away from pity those who had been bent by it. He turned back on Antipater the odium of his brothers' death, pleading that if pity moved anyone, it was right to pity those who, destroyed by his frauds, demanded vengeance. If they acquitted one man, the whole royal house would be brought into danger: brothers, all the relatives, and the king himself, whose life he had not spared. So, turning to the tricks of orators, as in an epilogue designed to move pity, he raised from the dead the souls of the slain, to fill the benches with pitiable complaint: that they had died innocent, through grave witnesses suborned, letters composed, and a father deceived by fraudulent speeches, who believed a son he did not think capable of lying about his brothers. Now, he said, the man who had not believed his brothers' tortures offered his own—he who had loaded them with chains so that they could not attend the hearing, had a sentence passed against them in their absence, and had them killed while they were far away, so that their father should not pity them. So nothing would remain if he escaped—a man skilled in pouring parricidal poisons into the bowels of his own, in changing the minds of men, who had roused even Pheroras, always most loving toward his brother Herod, to a deadly parricide against him. When Nicolaus had added very many other things to these to rouse emotion and had finished speaking, Antipater was asked by Varus whether he wished to reply. He answered nothing but: “God is my witness that I have done no harm.” Then Varus ordered the poison to be brought and given to one of those who had already been condemned to death. When he had drunk it, he died at once. A report on this was sent to Caesar, and Antipater was put in chains by his father's command. Yet even then he was not free of plotting. For just then he was attempting to endanger Salome by trickery, through letters that Antipater had composed in Salome's name, full of insults against the king, and had ordered to be carried by a slave of Antiphilus to Acme, a maidservant of Julia, Caesar's wife, so that Acme would send them to the king as if they had been delivered to her. The fraud would almost have succeeded in destroying the woman, had not a letter of Acme to Antipater been found, which betrayed the trick, written in this way: “As you wished, I have written to your father and sent those letters; and I have no doubt that the king will rise up to endanger his sister. Repay my service once you have obtained the result you wished.” When this letter was discovered, the king was led to suspect that Alexander too had been attacked by his brother with letters composed by the same art; and, exasperated by excessive agitation, he contracted a serious illness. Seeing himself pressed by this danger, he wrote Antipas, one of his sons, as heir of the rule, preferring him to Archelaus and Philip, the elder sons, since Antipater by tricks and deceits had made them too suspect to their father. To Caesar he left a thousand talents, with gifts and presents added; to his wife and sons, freedmen and friends, he gave fifty; nor did he leave his sister Salome without a share in his gifts. The illness went from bad to worse and grew harsher with time, aggravated daily by the troubles of feeble old age. For he bore a body weighed down by no fewer than seventy years and afflicted too by frequent grief of mind, wounded by so many parricides, which it was the extreme of misery either to have detected in his sons or to have inflicted. Yet the fever of an incurable sickness was that Antipater, still alive, was feared. Contempt too grew daily, because the images of Caesar and the likenesses of animals placed in the temple against the law were pulled down, chiefly at the instigation of Judas and Matthias, teachers of the youth, who, when their plans were known and others had joined them, said that the time had come to avenge the injury of the violated law: let the sacrilegious man pay the penalty, who thought whatever was lawful for power was right, and who, not inclined by religion but lifted up by pride, had exercised his lust for doing what he wished in the inner parts of the temple as if it were a right. And although divine vengeance was hastening his death, still it seemed noble if they proved also the freedom of the holy temple by defending the observances of their fathers' law; nor should anyone be called back by fear of danger, since even to die for the ancestral law is a badge of immortality. Those who first set about pulling down the golden eagle fixed above the top of the gate were arrested and brought to the king. When they were asked whom they had wished to obey in undertaking so great a deed, they answered: the law of their fathers. When he asked again what they relied on to come so cheerfully when they were being called to the danger of death, they answered: the rewards of piety and devotion, whose recompense would be paid to those who sought death for their ancestral rite. He could no longer bear the constancy of their answer; but, his indignation rising above his illness so that he overcame his weakness, he went out to an assembly of the people, and there, bringing them before the people as guilty of sacrilege, he began to accuse them, saying that greater things were suspected from such deeds. Even if these were not proved, still all, each fearing for himself, begged that the authors who had been arrested should pay the penalty, and that he should not proceed against the rest, lest the inquiry disturb more people, strangers and innocent. So, being asked, he passed sentence on those present that they be burned alive. From this his trouble increased, and the force of a graver illness consumed his whole body with various sufferings. There was a violent fever, an unbearable itching, continual pains of the inner bowels without any intermission; he was tormented in the middle of his neck; his feet were weighed down with dropsy; the hidden parts of his body swarmed with worms, here and there over the whole body; his breathing was heavy and his sighs deadly. The matter was a sign that the penalty for an unjust parricide and a sacrilegious condemnation was being exacted. Yet he did not give way in spirit, and struggled against his sufferings from desire to live. He went beyond the Jordan to the heat of the hot springs, but they did no good. The Asphaltite lake, healing for many, held the sick man without any benefit. There, while he was being bathed with a great deal of oil, his body relaxed and loosened, he turned up his eyes like a dying man, his voice failed, and no sense remained; but roused by the noise of those crying out, he recovered, and wishing to return to his own, when he came to the district of the place called Jericho, harried by black bile and as it were threatening death itself, he devised a monstrous crime, by which the people would be sent down as offerings to the dead for him. For he had long before ordered all the more noble men from all Judea to be gathered from every village into one place; when the order had been obeyed, he ordered them to be shut up in the hippodrome. Summoning Salome and her husband Alexas, he entrusted them with a legacy of blood, saying that his death would be a joy to the peoples of the Jewish nation; and therefore he demanded of his own a device by which his epitaph would be most splendidly celebrated: that as soon as he had breathed his last, they should order all those who were held shut up to be killed at once. So there would be no one in all Judea and in every house to whom his death would not bring tears, since he would have left all households an inheritance of mourning; while they lamented the death of their own, they would seem to be paying the king his due rites, and so the joy of public wishes would be hindered by domestic griefs. And lest the execution of his wicked commands fail, he ordered fifty drachmas to be given to the soldiers, so that, with such a wage set on the crime, the soldiers would not refuse the deadly service, setting the profit of the reward against the horror of the execution. He was already almost yielding to his torments from the burden of so great a sickness, but he was awaiting the fateful reply of the embassy. It reported that punishment had been taken of Acme at Herod's complaint, and that Antipater, convicted of parricide, had been condemned to death; yet, if he were driven from his country and kingdom, his father might grant him leave to flee, if he wished, Caesar ordered—passing sentence on the crime and leaving the decision to devotion. Nature had nearly resolved the necessity of parricide; for when he had recovered a little, given power to punish as he wished, while he was considering the manner of death, racked by pains he had longed for the day of death to come quickly. So he asked for an apple and also a knife, as he used to cut fruit with it, to take some refreshment; and raising himself a little and leaning on his elbow, he lifted the knife, wishing to strike himself; but Achiab ran up and stopped the blow, and the whole house resounded with mourning, so that outside Herod was thought to have died. Antipater exulted at the sound of lamentation and asked the guards set over him to release him from his chains; but the officer in charge not only refused what was asked but reported it to the king. He, crying out that he was being insulted while still alive, sent executioners to kill Antipater, ordered him, once slain, to be buried in Hyrcania, and changed his will again, appointing Archelaus, the elder of the brothers, as king, and leaving the tetrarchy to Antipas. So he died five days after Antipater, having held the kingdom thirty-seven years from the time he was appointed to rule by the Romans, and thirty-four years from the time he removed Antigonus, his rival for the kingdom—would that he had been as happy in his household life as in public success! For abroad fortune favored him so that, a private man, he was taken up into the kingdom, enjoyed it through many courses of years, and—what is hard while keeping the use of power—he died leaving to his children the succession of the rule, which he himself had not received from his own. But within his house he was most unhappy, filling it with the bitter blood and grief of his own people. Yet his last cruelty found no execution: by this one deed Salome blotted out the earlier mockeries of her crimes, that she released all those whom the king had ordered to be struck down, saying that the king had afterwards repented of his deadly order, revoked his earlier commands, and ordered that all be released to their homes.

Notes and citation

Summary: Nicolaus answers Antipater, who is condemned; Herod pulls down the golden eagle and burns its destroyers, sickens horribly, orders a massacre of nobles at his death, has Antipater killed, and dies five days later; Salome frees the prisoners.

  • Follows Josephus, J.W. 1.637–666. The author presents Herod's illness as divine punishment for parricide and sacrilege, as Josephus does in part; translated as written. The hot springs beyond the Jordan are Callirrhoe in Josephus.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip): oratornm → oratorum; ab interis → ab inferis; aMnes → omnes; exslIscitaverit → exsuscitaverit; veneuum → venenum; iosurrecturum → insurrecturum; Quo se ridens → Quo se videns; convuloeratus → convulneratus; perirulnm → periculum; bydrope → hydrope; miLLerentur → mitterentur; dClleram → dexteram; Antipatrun1 → Antipatrum.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 1.32–33 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 1.45 (PL 15:2031a–2033c; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/1-45). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.

1.46PL 15:2033c–2035b

Item postea facta in amphitheatro militum et reliqui populi congregatione, de obitu regis judicium factum: processit Ptolemæs, qui regis amicitiæ inter fidelissimos quosque usque in extremum adhæserat, et annulum deferens quem defuncti digito detraxit, collaudat regem, et populum admonet tranquillitatis, aperitque ei epistolam, qua precatus fidelissimos sibi milites hortabatur, ut successori suo bcnevolentiam exhiberent et gratiam, Et apertis etiam tabulis testamentum recitatur: Philippus Thraconitidis regionis et finitimorum locorum haeres nuncupatus: tetrarches, Antipas; rex, Archelaus, ita tamen ut ad Cæsarem deferri annulum suum, atque ei avbitrium et firmamentum omnium dispositionum suarum reservarent. Ac tum demum ratum esset testamentum suum, si Cæsar probasset: reliqua secundum priora sua testamenta custodiri præcipit. Continuo acclamatio facta militum Archelao plaudentium: circum vallabatur illico stipatorum ambitu; promittunt benevolentiam, spondent fidem. Post hæc competenter atque magnifice funus cura. tum, omni ambitu regalium divitiarum praemisso ad pompæ funebris celebritatem: lectus erat aure totus et gemmis insignitus, strato refulgens murice, corpus adopertum purpurea diploide, quam internectebat fibula lapidibus pretiosis coruscans, diadcma adhaerebat vertici, supraque corona aurea, sceptrum in dextera, ut viventem putares. Præibat agmen Thrac!cum; Germanique et Galli stipatores regii militarem servabant ordinem, pari modo succincti armis, ac si in bellum prodirent, * sed ora moestitia plena, ct dolentibus similes prosequebantur. Reliqua manus prosequebatur ornatu solito, et cultu assueto comitantibus pariter dncibus et centurionibus. Quingenti eliam servorum et Iibertorum regiae domus aspergebant aromata, nt suavi odore tuta fragraret via; lectum lilii regis, et propinquorum vis maxima circumfundebat. Sepultus est in Herodio (ut ipse mandavit) quod aberat ducenlis stadiis ab eo loco, in quo finem vitæ invenit: magno obsequio per tantum spatii deductus universorum, sed non omnium pari affectu: metus enim officium, non votum extorserat; dolor intra se saltem liberam habebat lentenliam. Hunc finem habuit Herodes.

Afterwards, an assembly of the soldiers and the rest of the people having been gathered in the amphitheater, a declaration was made about the king's death. Ptolemy came forward, who had clung to the king's friendship among the most faithful to the very end, and, bringing the ring that he had taken from the dead man's finger, he praised the king and urged the people to calm; and he opened to them a letter in which the king, entreating the soldiers most faithful to him, urged them to show goodwill and favor to his successor. Then the tablets were opened and the will was read: Philip was named heir of the region of Trachonitis and the neighboring places; tetrarch, Antipas; king, Archelaus—on condition, however, that they carry his ring to Caesar and reserve to him the decision and confirmation of all his arrangements. His will would be valid only if Caesar approved; the rest he ordered to be kept according to his earlier wills. At once the soldiers raised a shout applauding Archelaus; he was immediately surrounded by a ring of guards; they promised goodwill and pledged loyalty. After this the funeral was arranged fittingly and magnificently, with all the display of royal wealth sent ahead to grace the funeral procession. The bier was all of gold and set with gems, gleaming with a covering of purple; the body was covered with a purple double cloak, fastened by a brooch flashing with precious stones; the diadem was on his head and a golden crown above it, a scepter in his right hand, so that you would think him alive. A Thracian column went in front; the Germans and Gauls of the royal bodyguard kept military order, girt with arms just as if they were going out to war, but with faces full of sorrow, and they followed like mourners. The rest of the force followed in its usual dress and accustomed array, the commanders and centurions accompanying alike. Five hundred of the slaves and freedmen of the royal house also scattered spices, so that the whole road was fragrant with a sweet scent; the king's sons and a very great crowd of relatives surrounded the bier. He was buried in Herodium (as he himself had ordered), which was two hundred stadia from the place where he ended his life, escorted with great deference by all over so great a distance—but not by all with equal feeling; for fear had wrung out the service, not desire; grief at least held its judgment free within itself. Such was Herod's end.

Notes and citation

Summary: Herod's will is read in the amphitheater at Jericho, the army acclaims Archelaus, and Herod is buried with great pomp at Herodium.

  • Follows Josephus, J.W. 1.666–673.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip): Uein postea → Item postea; annulumdeferens qucm → annulum deferens quem; tranquilliLaLis → tranquillitatis; Archelans → Archelaus; strainD) refulgens munice → strato refulgens murice; proseqUtoantur → prosequebantur; Sepnltus → Sepultus.

Extrabiblical texts: Josephus, J.W. 1.33 (Josephus (works); allusion)

Topics: Worship

Cite (SBL): Ps.-Hegesippus, Exc. 1.46 (PL 15:2033c–2035b; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/pseudo-hegesippus-excidio/1-46). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin of Migne PL 15 (noisy digital text; OCR slips corrected and logged); no public-domain English translation exists, so the translation was re-read against the Latin.