City of God 2.24–3.6

Latin text: Hoffmann, CSEL 40 (Latin text: Dombart and Hoffmann, De civitate dei (CSEL 40, 1899-1900), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 2 (1887).

Show

Chapter 2

2.24CSEL 40:97–100

CAPUT XXIIII. De Syllanis actibus, quorum se daemones ostentauerint adiutores. Sylla certe ipse, cuius tempora talia fuerunt, ut superiora, quorum uindex esse uidebatur, illorum conparatione quaererentur, cum primum ad Urbem contra Marium castra mouisset, adeo laeta exta immolanti fuisse scribit Liuius, ut custodiri se Postumius haruspex uoluerit capitis supplicium subiturus, nisi ea, quae in animo Sylla haberet, dis iuuantibus inpleuisset. Ecce non discesserant adytis adque aris relictis di, quando de rerum euentu praedicebant nihilque de ipsius Syllae correctione curabant. Promittebant praesagando felicitatem magnam nec malam cupiditatem minando frangebant. Deinde cum esset in Asia bellum Mithridaticum gerens, per Lucium Titium ei mandatum est a Ioue, quod esset Mithridatem superaturus, et factum est. Ac postea molienti redire in Urbem et suas amicorumque iniurias ciuili sanguine ulcisci, iterum mandatum est ab eodem Ioue per militem quendam legionis sextae, prius se de Mithridate praenuntiasse uictoriam, et tunc promittere daturum se potestatem, qua recuperaret ab inimicis rem publicam non sine multo sanguine. Tum percontatus Sylla, quae forma militi uisa fuerit, cum ille indicasset, eam recordatus est, quam prius ab illo audierat, qui de Mithridatica uictoria ab eodem mandata pertulerat. Quid hic responderi potest, quare di curauerint uelut felicia ista nuntiare, et nullus eorum curauerit Syllam monendo corrigere mala tanta facturum scelestis armis ciuilibus, qualia non foedarent, sed auferrent omnino rem publicam? Nempe intelleguntur daemones, sicut saepe dixi notumque nobis est in litteris sacris resque ipsae satis indicant, negotium suum agere, ut pro dis habeantur et colantur, ut ea illis exhibeantur, quibus hi qui exhibent sociati unam pessimam causam cum eis habeant in iudicio Dei. Deinde cum uenisset Tarentum Sylla adque ibi sacrificasset, uidit in capite uitulini iecoris similitudinem coronae aureae. Tunc Postumius haruspex ille respondit praeclaram significare uictoriam iussitque ut extis illis solus uesceretur. Postea paruo interuallo seruus cuiusdam Lucii Pontii uaticinando clamauit: <a Bellona nuntius uenio, uictoria tua est, Sylla). Deinde adiecit arsurum esse Capitolium. Hoc cum dixisset, continuo egressus e castris postero die concitatior reuersus est et Capitolium arsisse clamauit. Arserat autem re uera Capitolium. Quod quidem daemoni et praeuidere facile fuit et celerrime nuntiare. Illud sane intende, quod ad causam maxime pertinet, sub qualibus dis esse cupiant, qui blasphemant Saluatorem uoluntates fidelium a dominatu daemonum liberantem. Clamauit homo uaticinando: (uictoria tua est, Sylla, adque ut id diuino spiritu clamare crederetur, nuntiauit etiam aliquid et prope futurum et mox factum, unde longe aberat per quem ille spiritus loquebatur; non tamen clamauit: ab sceleribus parce, Sylla, quae illic uictor tam horrenda commisit, cui corona aurea ipsius uictoriae inlustrissimum signum in uitulino iecore apparuit, qualia signa si di iusti dare solerent ac non daemones inpii, profecto illis extis nefaria potius adque ipsi Syllae grauiter noxia mala futura monstrarent. Neque enim eius dignitati tantum profuit illa uictoria, quantum nocuit cupiditati; qua factum est, ut inmoderatis inhians et secundis rebus elatus ac praecipitatus magis ipse periret in moribus, quam inimicos in corporibus perderet. Haec illi di uere tristia uereque lugenda non extis, non auguriis, non cuiusquam somnio uel uaticinio praenuntiabant. Magis enim timebant ne corrigeretur quam ne uinceretur. Immo satis agebant, ut uictor ciuium gloriosus uictus adque captiuus nefandis uitiis et per haec ipsis etiam daemonibus multo obstrictius subderetur.

Chapter 24. On the deeds of Sulla, of which the demons boasted that they were the helpers.

Sulla himself, certainly, whose times were such that the earlier times, of which he seemed to be the avenger, were missed by comparison with them, when he first moved his camp against Marius toward the City, found the entrails so favorable as he sacrificed, as Livy writes, that the soothsayer Postumius asked to be kept in custody, ready to undergo capital punishment if Sulla did not accomplish, with the gods' help, what he had in mind. See, the gods had not “departed, leaving their shrines and altars,” when they were foretelling the outcome of events and cared nothing for correcting Sulla himself. By their presages they promised great good fortune, and did not break his evil desire by threats. Then, when he was in Asia waging the Mithridatic war, he was told by Jupiter through Lucius Titius that he would conquer Mithridates, and so it happened. And afterward, when he was preparing to return to the City and avenge the wrongs done to himself and his friends with the blood of citizens, he was told again by the same Jupiter, through a certain soldier of the sixth legion, that he had earlier foretold the victory over Mithridates and now promised to give him power to recover the state from his enemies, not without much bloodshed. Then Sulla asked what form had appeared to the soldier, and when he described it, Sulla recalled that it was the one he had heard of earlier from the man who had brought him the message from the same god about the Mithridatic victory. What answer can be given here as to why the gods took care to announce these things as if they were fortunate, and none of them took care to correct Sulla by warning him, when he was about to do such great evils with criminal civil arms as would not merely disfigure the state but destroy it altogether? Plainly the demons are understood, as I have often said, as is known to us from the sacred writings, and as the facts themselves sufficiently show, to be doing their own business: that they may be held and worshipped as gods, and that those things may be offered to them by which those who offer them are joined with them and have one evil case with them at the judgment of God. Then, when Sulla had come to Tarentum and sacrificed there, he saw on the head of a calf's liver the likeness of a golden crown. Then that soothsayer Postumius answered that it signified a glorious victory and ordered him to eat of those entrails alone. A little later the slave of a certain Lucius Pontius cried out, prophesying: “I come as a messenger from Bellona; the victory is yours, Sulla.” Then he added that the Capitol would burn. When he had said this, he at once left the camp, and returned the next day more excited, crying out that the Capitol had burned. And the Capitol had in fact burned. It was easy for a demon both to foresee this and to announce it very quickly. But notice this above all, which bears most on the case: under what kind of gods those people want to be who blaspheme the Savior who frees the wills of the faithful from the domination of demons. The man cried out, prophesying, “Victory is yours, Sulla,” and, so that he might be believed to cry it by a divine spirit, he also announced something both near at hand and soon done, from which the man through whom that spirit spoke was far away; yet he did not cry out, “Refrain from crimes, Sulla,” the crimes so horrible which he committed there as victor, he to whom a golden crown, the most brilliant sign of that very victory, appeared on a calf's liver. If just gods, and not ungodly demons, usually gave such signs, surely in those entrails they would rather have shown the wicked evils to come, gravely harmful to Sulla himself. For that victory did not profit his rank as much as it harmed his desire; by it he came, gaping after immoderate things and lifted up and thrown headlong by prosperity, to perish more himself in his morals than he destroyed his enemies in their bodies. These truly sad and truly lamentable things those gods did not foretell by entrails, by auguries, by anyone's dream or prophecy. For they feared more that he might be corrected than that he might be conquered. Rather, they did enough to make the glorious conqueror of his fellow citizens be conquered and taken captive by unspeakable vices, and through these subjected far more tightly to the demons themselves.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine recounts the omens and prophecies that promised Sulla victory, and notes that the gods foretold his success but never warned him against his crimes.

  • Livy's account of Sulla is lost (see Periochae 77); similar stories are in Plutarch, Sulla 9 and 27. The line “departed, leaving their shrines and altars” is Virgil, Aeneid 2.351, as in 2.22.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR o for e): adquo aris → adque aris.

Extrabiblical texts: Livy, Per. 77 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion); Plutarch, Sull. 9, 27 (Plutarch; allusion); Virgil, Aen. 2.351 (Virgil; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 2.24 (CSEL 40:97–100; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-2-24). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-2-24) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

2.25CSEL 40:100–102

CAPUT XXV. Quantum maligni spiritus ad flagitia incitent homines, cum in committendis sceleribus quasi diuinam exempli sui interponunt auctoritatem. Illinc uero quis non intellegat, quis non uideat, nisi qui tales deos imitari magis elegit quam diuina gratia ab eorum societate separari, quantum moliantur maligni isti spiritus exemplo suo uelut diuinam auctoritatem praebere sceleribus? quod etiam in quadam Campaniae lata planitie, ubi non multo post ciuiles acies nefario proelio conflixerunt, ipsi inter se prius pugnare uisi sunt. Namque ibi auditi sunt primum ingentes fragores, moxque multi se uidisse nuntiarunt per aliquot dies duas acies proeliari. Quae pugna ubi destitit, uestigia quoque uelut hominum et equorum, quanta de illa conflictatione exprimi poterant, inuenerunt. Si ergo ueraciter inter se numina pugnauerunt, iam bella ciuilia excusantur humana; consideretur tamen quae sit talium deorum uel malitia uel miseria: si autem se pugnasse finxerunt, quid aliud egerunt, nisi ut sibi Romani bellando ciuiliter tamquam deorum exemplo nullum nefas admittere uiderentur? Iam enim coeperant bella ciuilia, et aliquot nefandorum proeliorum strages exsecranda praecesserat. Iam multos mouerat, quod miles quidam, dum occiso spolia detraheret, fratrem nudato cadauere agnouit ac detestatus bella ciuilia se ipsum ibi perimens fraterno corpori adiunxit. Ut ergo huius tanti mali minime taederet, sed armorum scelestorum magis magisque ardor incresceret, noxii daemones, quos illi deos putantes colendos et uenerandos arbitrabantur, inter se pugnantes hominibus apparere uoluerunt, ne imitari tales pugnas ciuica trepidaret adfectio, sed potius humanum scelus diuino excusaretur exemplo. Hac astutia maligni spiritus etiam ludos, unde multa iam dixi, scaenicos sibi dicari sacrarique iusserunt, ubi tanta deorum flagitia theatricis canticis adque fabularum actionibus celebrata et quisquis eos fecisse crederet et quisquis non crederet, sed tamen illos libentissime sibi talia exhiberi cerneret, securus imitaretur. Ne quis itaque existimaret in deos conuicia potius quam eis dignum aliquid scriptitasse, ubicumque illos inter se pugnasse poetae commemorarunt, ipsi ad decipiendos homines poetarum carmina firmauerunt, pugnas uidelicet suas non solum per scaenicos in theatro, uerum etiam per se ipsos in campo humanis oculis exhibentes. Haec dicere conpulsi sumus, quoniam pessimis moribus ciuium Romanam rem publicam iam antea perditam fuisse nullamque remansisse ante aduentum Christi Iesu domini nostri auctores eorum dicere et scribere minime dubitarunt. Quam perditionem dis suis non inputant, qui mala transitoria, quibus boni, seu uiuant seu moriantur, perire non possunt, Christo nostro inputant: cum Christus noster tanta frequentet pro moribus optimis praecepta contra perditos mores; di uero ipsorum nullis talibus praeceptis egerint aliquid cum suo cultore populo pro illa re publica, ne periret; immo eosdem mores uelut suis exemplis auctoritate noxia corrumpendo egerunt potius, ut periret. Quam non ideo tunc perisse quisquam, ut arbitror, iam dicere audebit, quia discessere omnes adytis arisque relictis di, uelut amici uirtutibus, cum uitiis hominum offenderentur; quia tot signis extorum auguriorum uaticiniorum, quibus se tamquam praescios futurorum adiutoresque proeliorum iactare et commendare gestiebant, conuincuntur fuisse praesentes; qui si uere abscessissent, mitius Romani in bella ciuilia suis cupiditatibus quam illorum instigationibus exarsissent.

Chapter 25. How strongly the malign spirits incite men to shameful deeds when they interpose the seemingly divine authority of their own example for committing crimes.

From this, who does not understand, who does not see, unless he has chosen rather to imitate such gods than to be separated from their company by divine grace, how hard these malign spirits labor to supply crimes with a seemingly divine authority by their own example? For in a broad plain of Campania, where not long afterward the armies of the civil war clashed in a wicked battle, they themselves were first seen fighting one another. For huge crashes were first heard there, and soon many reported that for several days they had seen two armies fighting. When the fight stopped, they even found tracks, as of men and horses, such as could be imprinted by that conflict. If, then, the deities really fought among themselves, human civil wars are now excused; yet let the malice or misery of such gods be considered. But if they pretended to have fought, what else did they do but make it seem to the Romans that in fighting civil wars they committed no wickedness, as if following the example of the gods? For civil wars had already begun, and the execrable slaughter of some unspeakable battles had gone before. Many had already been moved by the story of a certain soldier who, while stripping the spoils from a man he had killed, recognized his brother when the corpse was stripped, and, cursing civil wars, killed himself on the spot and laid himself beside his brother's body. So that men would not be sickened at all by so great an evil, but the ardor of criminal arms might grow more and more, the harmful demons, whom these people thought gods and judged to be worshipped and venerated, chose to appear to men fighting among themselves, so that the affection of citizens would not shrink from imitating such battles, but rather human crime would be excused by divine example. By this cunning the malign spirits also ordered the stage plays, about which I have already said much, to be dedicated and consecrated to them, in which such shameful deeds of the gods were celebrated in theatrical songs and the acting of fables, so that both whoever believed they had done them and whoever did not believe it, but saw that they most gladly had such things exhibited to them, might imitate them without worry. So that no one might think that the poets had written insults against the gods rather than something worthy of them, wherever the poets recorded that the gods had fought among themselves, the gods themselves confirmed the poets' songs in order to deceive men, exhibiting their battles to human eyes not only through actors in the theater but also through themselves on the field. We have been compelled to say these things because their own authors did not hesitate to say and write that the Roman state had already been ruined by the worst morals of its citizens and that none remained before the coming of Jesus Christ our Lord. This ruin they do not blame on their gods, while they blame on our Christ the passing evils by which the good, whether they live or die, cannot perish; though our Christ so often gives so many precepts for the best morals against depraved morals, while their gods did nothing by any such precepts with the people that worshipped them for that state, so that it would not perish; rather, by corrupting those same morals with harmful authority, as it were by their own examples, they acted so that it would perish. No one, I think, will now dare to say that it perished then because “the gods all departed, leaving their shrines and altars,” as friends of virtue offended by men's vices; for by so many signs from entrails, auguries, and prophecies, by which they were eager to boast and commend themselves as foreknowing the future and helping in battles, they are proved to have been present. If they had really gone away, the Romans would have been fired into civil wars more mildly by their own desires than they were by the instigations of these gods.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine describes a vision of gods fighting on a Campanian plain before the civil wars, arguing that demons staged such sights to give divine sanction to civil war.

  • The Campanian portent and the soldier who killed his brother are reported by later writers (e.g. Julius Obsequens; Livy, Periochae 79; Tacitus, Histories 3.51 tells a similar story). Virgil, Aeneid 2.351.

Extrabiblical texts: Livy, Per. 79 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion); Virgil, Aen. 2.351 (Virgil; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 2.25 (CSEL 40:100–102; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-2-25). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-2-25) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

2.26CSEL 40:102–104

CAPUT XXVI. De secretis daemonum monitis, quae pertinebant ad bonos mores, cum palam in sacris eorum omnis nequitia disceretur. Quae cum ita sint, cum palam aperteque turpitudines crudelitatibus mixtae, obprobria numinum et crimina, siue prodita siue conficta, ipsis exposcentibus et nisi fieret irascentibus etiam certis et statis sollemnitatibus consecrata illis et dicata claruerint adque ad omnium oculos ut imitanda proponerentur, spectanda processerint: quid est, quod idem ipsi daemones, qui se huiusce modi uoluptatibus inmundos esse spiritus confitentur, qui suis flagitiis et facinoribus, siue indicatis siue simulatis, eorumque sibi celebratione petita ab inpudentibus, extorta a pudentibus auctores se uitae scelestae inmundaeque testantur, perhibentur tamen in adytis suis secretisque penetralibus dare quaedam bona praecepta de moribus quibusdam uelut electis sacratis suis? Quod si ita est, hoc ipso callidior aduertenda est et conuincenda malitia spirituum noxiorum. Tanta enim uis est probitatis et castitatis, ut omnis uel paene omnis eius laude moueatur humana natura, nec usque adeo sit turpitudine uitiosa, ut totum sensum honestatis amiserit. Proinde malignitas daemonum, nisi alicubi se, quem ad modum scriptum in nostris litteris nouimus, transfiguret in angelos lucis, non inplet negotium deceptionis. Foris itaque populis celeberrimo strepitu inpietas inpura circumsonat, et intus paucis castitas simulata uix sonat; praebentur propatula pudendis et secreta laudandis; decus latet et dedecus patet; quod malum geritur omnes conuocat spectatores, quod bonum dicitur uix aliquos inuenit auditores, tamquam honesta erubescenda sint et inhonesta glorianda. Sed ubi hoc nisi in daemonum templis? ubi nisi in fallaciae deuersoriis? Illud enim fit, ut honestiores, qui pauci sunt, capiantur; hoc autem, ne plures, qui sunt turpissimi, corrigantur. Ubi et quando sacrati Caelestis audiebant castitatis praecepta, nescimus; ante ipsum tamen delubrum, ubi simulacrum illud locatum conspiciebamus, uniuersi undique confluentes et ubi quisque poterat stantes ludos qui agebantur intentissimi spectabamus, intuentes alternante conspectu hinc meretriciam pompam, illinc uirginem deam: illam suppliciter adorari, ante illam turpia celebrari; non ibi pudibundos mimos, nullam uerecundiorem scaenicam uidimus; cuncta obscenitatis inplebantur officia. Sciebatur uirginali numini quid placeret, et exhibebatur quod de templo domum matrona doctior reportaret. Nonnullae pudentiores auertebant faciem ab inpuris motibus scaenicorum et artem flagitii furtiua intentione discebant. Hominibus namque uerecundabantur, ne auderent inpudicos gestus ore libero cernere; sed multo minus audebant sacra eius, quam uenerabantur. casto corde damnare. Hoc tamen palam discendum praebebatur in templo, ad quod perpetrandum saltem secretum quaerebatur in domo, mirante nimium, si ullus ibi erat, pudore mortalium, quod humana flagitia non libere homines committerent, quae aput deos etiam religiose discerent iratos habituri, nisi etiam exhibere curarent. Quis enim alius spiritus occulto instinctu nequissimas agitans mentes et instat faciendis adulteriis et pascitur factis, nisi qui etiam sacris talibus oblectatur, constituens in templis simulacra daemonum, amans in ludis simulacra uitiorum, susurrans in occulto uerba iustitiae ad decipiendos etiam paucos bonos, frequentans in aperto inuitamenta nequitiae ad possidendos innumerabiles malos?

Chapter 26. On the secret admonitions of the demons that concerned good morals, while all wickedness was openly learned in their rites.

Since this is so, since foul deeds mixed with cruelties, reproaches and crimes of the deities, whether revealed or invented, were plainly and openly consecrated and dedicated to them, even at fixed and appointed festivals, at their own demand and with their anger if it was not done, and came forth to be seen by the eyes of all as if set before them for imitation, why is it that these same demons, who confess themselves unclean spirits by such pleasures, who by their shameful deeds and crimes, whether disclosed or feigned, and by the celebration of them which they sought from the shameless and extorted from the modest, testify that they are the authors of a wicked and unclean life, are nevertheless said to give certain good precepts about morals in their sanctuaries and secret inner rooms to some select initiates of theirs? If this is so, the malice of the harmful spirits must be noted and convicted as all the craftier for it. For so great is the power of uprightness and chastity that all, or nearly all, human nature is moved by its praise, and is not so vicious in its foulness as to have lost all sense of decency. So the malignity of the demons does not accomplish its business of deception unless somewhere it transforms itself, as we know it is written in our Scriptures, into angels of light. Outside, then, unclean ungodliness resounds around the peoples with loud clamor, and inside a feigned chastity barely sounds for a few; the shameful is offered in the open and the praiseworthy in secret; decency hides and indecency is displayed; the evil that is done calls all to watch, the good that is spoken scarcely finds any hearers, as if honorable things were to be blushed at and dishonorable things gloried in. But where except in the temples of demons? Where except in the lodgings of deceit? For the one is done to catch the more honorable, who are few; the other so that the many, who are most foul, may not be corrected. Where and when the initiates of Caelestis heard precepts of chastity we do not know; but before the very temple, where we saw that image placed, all of us, flowing together from every side and standing wherever each could, watched most intently the plays that were being acted, looking now at the procession of harlots, now at the virgin goddess; her we saw suppliantly adored, before her foul things were celebrated. We saw no bashful mimes there, no more modest actress; every service of obscenity was performed. It was known what pleased the virgin deity, and there was exhibited what a matron would carry home from the temple better instructed. Some of the more modest women turned their faces away from the impure movements of the actors and learned the art of shamefulness with stealthy attention. For they were ashamed before men, and did not dare to look at the immodest gestures with free eyes; but much less did they dare to condemn with a chaste heart the rites of the goddess they worshipped. Yet what was offered to be learned openly in the temple was what, to commit it, at least privacy was sought at home; while the modesty of mortals, if there was any there, wondered greatly that men did not commit freely the shameful deeds of humans which they learned religiously from the gods, gods who would be angry if they did not also take care to exhibit them. For what other spirit, stirring the most wicked minds by a hidden impulse, both urges adulteries to be done and feeds on them when done, except the one who is also delighted by such rites, setting up images of demons in the temples, loving images of vices in the plays, whispering words of justice in secret to deceive even the few good, and multiplying invitations to wickedness in the open to possess the countless wicked?

2 Cor 11:14 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that any secret moral teaching in pagan mysteries was a demonic disguise, while the public festivals, like those of Caelestis he watched at Carthage, openly taught vice.

  • 2 Corinthians 11:14. Caelestis: see 2.4.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 2.26 (CSEL 40:102–104; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-2-26). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-2-26) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

2.27CSEL 40:104–106

CAPUT XXVII. Quanta euersione publicae disciplinae Romani dis suis placandis sacrauerint obscena ludorum. Vir grauis et philosophaster Tullius aedilis futurus clamat in auribus ciuitatis, inter cetera sui magistratus officia sibi Floram matrem ludorum celebritate placandam; qui ludi tanto deuotius, quanto turpius celebrari solent. Dicit alio loco iam consul in extremis periculis ciuitatis, et ludos per decem dies factos, neque rem ullam quae ad placandos deos pertineret praetermissam; quasi non satius erat tales deos inritare temperantia quam placare luxuria, et eos honestate etiam ad inimicitias prouocare quam tanta deformitate lenire. Neque enim grauius fuerant quamlibet crudelissima inmanitate nocituri homines, propter quos placabantur, quam nocebant ipsi, cum uitiositate foedissima placarentur. Quando quidem ut auerteretur quod metuebatur ab hoste in corporibus, eo modo di conciliabantur, quo uirtus debellaretur in mentibus, qui non obponerentur defensores obpugnatoribus moenium, nisi prius fierent expugnatores morum bonorum. Hanc talium numinum placationem petulantissimam inpurissimam inpudentissimam nequissimam inmundissimam, cuius actores laudanda Romanae uirtutis indoles honore priuauit, tribu mouit, agnouit turpes, fecit infames, hanc, inquam, pudendam ueraeque religioni auersandam et detestandam talium numinum placationem, [has] fabulas in deos inlecebrosas adque criminosas, haec ignominiosa deorum uel scelerate turpiterque facta uel sceleratius turpiusque conficta oculis et auribus publicis ciuitas tota discebat, haec commissa numinibus placere cernebat, et ideo non solum illis exhibenda, sed sibi quoque imitanda credebat, non illud nescio quid uelut bonum et honestum, quod tam paucis et tam occulte dicebatur (si tamen dicebatur), ut magis ne innotesceret, quam ne non fieret, timeretur.

Chapter 27. With what overthrow of public discipline the Romans consecrated the obscenities of the games to appeasing their gods.

Tullius, a serious man and something of a philosopher, when about to become aedile, cries out in the ears of the city that among the other duties of his office he must appease Mother Flora with the celebration of games; and those games are usually celebrated the more devoutly the more foully. He says elsewhere, when already consul, in the extreme dangers of the city, that games were held for ten days and nothing was left undone that pertained to appeasing the gods; as if it were not better to provoke such gods by temperance than to appease them by debauchery, and to rouse them even to enmity by decency than to soothe them with such foulness. For the men against whom they were being appeased would not have done more grievous harm by any savagery, however cruel, than the gods themselves did when they were appeased by the foulest vice. Since, to avert what was feared from the enemy in bodies, the gods were won over in a way by which virtue was defeated in minds; they would not be set as defenders against the attackers of the walls unless they first became the conquerors of good morals. This appeasement of such deities, most wanton, most impure, most shameless, most wicked, most unclean, whose performers the praiseworthy character of Roman virtue deprived of honor, removed from their tribe, recognized as foul, made infamous: this, I say, shameful appeasement of such deities, to be shunned and detested by true religion, these alluring and criminal fables about the gods, these ignominious deeds of the gods, either done wickedly and foully or invented more wickedly and foully, the whole city learned with public eyes and ears; it saw that these things when done pleased the deities, and so believed they were not only to be exhibited to them but also imitated by itself; not that something or other supposedly good and honorable which was said to so few and so secretly (if indeed it was said at all) that it was feared more that it might become known than that it might not be done.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine cites Cicero's own references to appeasing the gods with games, and argues that such obscene rites taught the whole city vice while any secret moral teaching remained hidden.

  • Cicero, Against Verres 2.5.36 (the games of Flora); Against Catiline 3.20 (games for ten days).
  • The editor deletes has (“these”) before “alluring fables” (square brackets); the sense is unaffected.

Extrabiblical texts: Cicero, Verr. 2.5.36 (Cicero; allusion); Cicero, Cat. 3.20 (Cicero; allusion)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 2.27 (CSEL 40:104–106; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-2-27). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-2-27) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

2.28CSEL 40:106

CAPUT XXVIII. De Christianae religionis salubritate. Ab istarum inmundissimarum potestatum tartareo iugo et societate poenali erui per Christi nomen homines et in lucem saluberrimae pietatis ab illa perniciosissimae inpietatis nocte transferri queruntur et murmurant iniqui et ingrati et illo nefario spiritu altius obstrictiusque possessi, quia populi confluunt ad ecclesiam casta celebritate, honesta utriusque sexus discretione, ubi audiant quam bene hic ad tempus uiuere debeant, ut post hanc uitam beate semperque uiuere mereantur, ubi sancta scriptura iustitiaeque doctrina de superiore loco in conspectu omnium personante et qui faciunt audiant ad praemium, et qui non faciunt audiant ad iudicium. Quo etsi ueniunt quidam talium praeceptorum inrisores, omnis eorum petulantia aut repentina mutatione deponitur, aut timore uel pudore conprimitur. Nihil enim eis turpe ac flagitiosum spectandum imitandumque proponitur, ubi ueri Dei aut praecepta insinuantur aut miracula narrantur, aut dona laudantur aut beneficia postulantur.

Chapter 28. On the wholesomeness of the Christian religion.

That men are being rescued through the name of Christ from the hellish yoke and penal fellowship of these most unclean powers, and are being brought from that night of most pernicious ungodliness into the light of most wholesome godliness, is what the unjust and ungrateful complain and murmur about, being possessed more deeply and tightly by that wicked spirit; because the peoples flock to church in chaste assembly, with an honorable separation of the two sexes, where they may hear how well they ought to live here for a time so as to be worthy to live happily and forever after this life; where, as holy Scripture and the teaching of righteousness sound out from a higher place in the sight of all, both those who do it hear to their reward and those who do not hear to their judgment. Even if some mockers of such precepts come there, all their wantonness is either laid aside by a sudden change or restrained by fear or shame. For nothing foul or shameful is set before them to watch and imitate where the precepts of the true God are instilled, or his miracles told, or his gifts praised, or his benefits asked for.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine contrasts pagan festivals with Christian worship, where the sexes are separated and Scripture and moral teaching are proclaimed to all.

Topics: Scripture and canon

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 2.28 (CSEL 40:106; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-2-28). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-2-28) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

2.29CSEL 40:106–109

CAPUT XXVIIII. De abiciendo cultu deorum cohortatio ad Romanos. Haec potius concupisce o indoles Romana laudabilis o progenies Regulorum Scaeuolarum Scipionum Fabriciorum; haec potius concupisce, haec ab illa turpissima uanitate et fallacissima daemonum malignitate discerne. Si quid in te laudabile naturaliter eminet, non nisi uera pietate purgatur adque perficitur, inpietate autem disperditur et punitur. Nunc iam elige quid sequaris, ut non in te, sed in Deo uero sine ullo errore lauderis. Tunc enim tibi gloria popularis adfuit, sed occulto diuinae prouidentiae iudicio uera religio quam eligeres defuit. Expergiscere, dies est, sicut experrecta es in quibusdam, de quorum uirtute perfecta et pro fide uera etiam passionibus gloriamur, qui usquequaque aduersus potestates inimicissimas confligentes easque fortiter moriendo uincentes sanguine nobis hanc patriam peperere suo. Ad quam patriam te inuitamus et exhortamur, ut eius adiciaris numero ciuium, cuius quodam modo asylum est uera remissio peccatorum. Non audias degeneres tuos Christo Christianisue detrahentes et accusantes uelut tempora mala, cum quaerant tempora, quibus non sit quieta uita, sed potius secura nequitia. Haec tibi numquam nec pro terrena patria placuerunt. Nunc iam caelestem arripe, pro qua minimum laborabis, et in ea ueraciter semperque regnabis. Illic enim tibi non Vestalis focus, non lapis Capitolinus, sed Deus unus et uerus nec metas rerum nec tempora ponit, Imperium sine fine dabit. Noli deos falsos fallacesque requirere; abice potius adque contemne in ueram emicans libertatem. Non sunt di, maligni sunt spiritus, quibus aeterna tua felicitas poena est. Non tam Iuno Troianis, a quibus carnalem originem ducis, arces uidetur inuidisse Romanas, quam isti daemones, quos adhuc deos putas, omni generi hominum sedes inuident sempiternas. Et tu ipsa non parua ex parte de talibus spiritibus iudicasti, quando ludis eos placasti et per quos homines eosdem ludos fecisti, infames esse uoluisti. Patere adseri libertatem tuam aduersus inmundos spiritus, qui tuis ceruicibus inposuerant sacrandam sibi et celebrandam ignominiam suam. Actores criminum diuinorum remouisti ab honoribus tuis: supplica Deo uero, ut a te remoueat illos deos, qui delectantur criminibus suis, seu ueris, quod ignominiosissimum est, seu falsis. quod malitiosissimum. Bene, quod tua sponte histrionibus et scaenicis societatem ciuitatis patere noluisti; euigila plenius! Nullo modo his artibus placatur diuina maiestas, quibus humana dignitas inquinatur. Quo igitur pacto deos, qui talibus delectantur obsequiis, haberi putas in numero sanctarum caelestium potestatum, cum homines, per quos eadem aguntur obsequia, non putasti habendos in numero qualiumcumque ciuium Romanorum? Incomparabiliter superna est ciuitas clarior, ubi uictoria ueritas, ubi dignitas sanctitas, ubi pax felicitas, ubi uita aeternitas. Multo minus habet in sua societate tales deos, si tu in tua tales homines habere erubuisti. Proinde si ad beatam peruenire desideras ciuitatem, deuita daemonum societatem. Indigne ab honestis coluntur, qui per turpes placantur. Sic isti a tua pietate remoueantur purgatione Christiana, quo modo illi a tua dignitate remoti sunt notatione censoria. De bonis autem carnalibus, quibus solis mali perfrui uolunt, et de malis carnalibus, quae sola perpeti nolunt, quod neque in his habeant quam putantur habere isti daemones potestatem (quamquam si haberent, deberemus potius etiam ista contemnere, quam propter ista illos colere et eos colendo ad illa, quae nobis inuident, peruenire non posse), — tamen nec in istis eos hoc ualere, quod hi putant, qui propter haec eos coli oportere contendunt, deinceps uidebimus, ut hic sit huius uoluminis modus.

Chapter 29. An exhortation to the Romans to cast off the worship of the gods.

Desire these things rather, O praiseworthy Roman character, O offspring of the Reguli, Scaevolae, Scipios, and Fabricii; desire these things rather; distinguish these from that most foul vanity and most deceitful malignity of the demons. If anything praiseworthy stands out in you by nature, it is purified and perfected only by true godliness, but it is destroyed and punished by ungodliness. Now choose what to follow, so that you may be praised without any error, not in yourself but in the true God. For then you had popular glory, but by the hidden judgment of divine providence you lacked the true religion to choose. Wake up, it is day, as you have awoken in some, in whose perfect virtue, and in whose sufferings too for the true faith, we glory; who, fighting everywhere against the most hostile powers and conquering them by dying bravely, “won this homeland for us with their blood.” To this homeland we invite and exhort you, that you may be added to the number of its citizens, whose sanctuary, in a way, is the true remission of sins. Do not listen to your degenerate offspring who disparage Christ or Christians and accuse them as if the times were bad, when they seek times in which life is not quiet but wickedness secure. Such things never pleased you even for your earthly homeland. Now seize the heavenly one, for which you will labor very little, and in which you will reign truly and forever. For there, not the Vestal hearth, not the Capitoline stone, but the one true God “sets no bounds to your affairs nor times; he will give empire without end.” Do not seek false and deceitful gods; rather cast them off and despise them, springing forth into true liberty. They are not gods; they are malign spirits, to whom your eternal happiness is a punishment. Juno does not seem to have begrudged the Trojans, from whom you draw your fleshly origin, the Roman citadels as much as these demons, whom you still think gods, begrudge the whole human race its everlasting seats. And you yourself have judged such spirits in no small measure, when you appeased them with games and yet willed the men through whom you put on those games to be infamous. Allow your liberty to be asserted against the unclean spirits who had laid on your necks the duty of consecrating and celebrating their own disgrace. You have removed the performers of divine crimes from your honors; pray to the true God to remove from you those gods who delight in their crimes, whether true, which is most disgraceful, or false, which is most malicious. It is well that of your own accord you refused to open the fellowship of the city to actors and players; awake more fully! The divine majesty is in no way appeased by arts by which human dignity is defiled. How then can you think that gods who delight in such services are to be counted among the holy heavenly powers, when you did not think the men through whom those same services are performed should be counted among Roman citizens of any kind? Incomparably more glorious is the city above, where victory is truth, where dignity is holiness, where peace is happiness, where life is eternity. Much less does it have such gods in its fellowship, if you blushed to have such men in yours. So if you desire to reach the blessed city, avoid the fellowship of demons. Those who are appeased through the disgraceful are unworthily worshipped by the honorable. Let these, then, be removed from your godliness by Christian purification, just as those were removed from your dignity by the censor's mark. As for the fleshly goods which alone the wicked wish to enjoy, and the fleshly evils which alone they refuse to suffer, that these demons do not have the power over them that they are thought to have (though if they had it, we ought rather to despise even these things than worship them for these things' sake, and by worshipping them be unable to reach the things they begrudge us), that even in these they do not have the power these people think, who argue that they must be worshipped for such things, we shall see next; so let this be the limit of this book.

Rom 13:11–12 (echo, medium confidence) · Eph 5:14 (echo, low confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine exhorts the Roman character, noble by nature, to abandon demon worship and seek citizenship in the heavenly city, whose empire has no end.

  • Virgil, Aeneid 11.24–25 (“won this homeland for us with their blood”) and 1.278–279 (“I set no bounds … empire without end”). “Wake up, it is day” echoes Romans 13:11–12 and Ephesians 5:14.

Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Aen. 11.24–25 (Virgil; quotation); Virgil, Aen. 1.278–279 (Virgil; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 2.29 (CSEL 40:106–109; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-2-29). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-2-29) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

Chapter 3

3.1CSEL 40:109–110

CAPUT I. De aduersitatibus, quas solas mali metuunt et quas semper passus est mundus, cum deos coleret. Iam satis dictum arbitror de morum malis et animorum, quae praecipue cauenda sunt, nihil deos falsos populo cultori suo, quo minus eorum malorum aggere premeretur, subuenire curasse, sed potius, ut maxime premeretur, egisse. Nunc de illis malis uideo dicendum, quae sola isti perpeti nolunt, qualia sunt fames morbus, bellum exspoliatio, captiuitas trucidatio, et si qua similia iam in primo libro commemorauimus. Haec enim sola mali deputant mala, quae non faciunt malos; nec erubescunt inter bona, quae laudant, ipsi mali esse qui laudant, magisque stomachantur, si uillam malam habeant, quam si uitam, quasi hoc sit hominis maximum bonum, habere bona omnia praeter se ipsum. Sed neque talia mala, quae isti sola formidant, di eorum, quando ab eis libere colebantur, ne illis acciderent obstiterunt. Cum enim uariis per diuersa temporibus ante aduentum Redemtoris nostri innumerabilibus nonnullisque etiam incredibilibus cladibus genus contereretur humanum, quos alios quam istos deos mundus colebat, excepto uno populo Hebraeo et quibusdam extra ipsum populum, ubicumque gratia diuina digni occultissimo adque iustissimo Dei iudicio fuerunt? Verum ne nimis longum faciam, tacebo aliarum usquequaque gentium mala grauissima: quod ad Romam pertinet Romanumque imperium tantum loquar, id est ad ipsam proprie ciuitatem et quaecumque illi terrarum uel societate coniunctae uel condicione subiectae sunt, quae sint perpessae ante aduentum Christi, cum iam ad eius quasi corpus rei publicae pertinerent.

Chapter 1. On the adversities which alone the wicked fear, and which the world always suffered while it worshipped the gods.

I think enough has now been said about the evils of morals and minds, which above all must be guarded against: that the false gods took no care to help the people that worshipped them so as to keep it from being crushed under the heap of those evils, but rather acted so that it would be crushed as much as possible. Now I see that I must speak of those evils which alone these people refuse to suffer, such as famine, disease, war, plunder, captivity, slaughter, and anything similar, which we have already mentioned in the first book. For the wicked count only those things as evils which do not make men evil; and they do not blush, among the good things they praise, to be evil themselves who praise them, and they are more annoyed if they have a bad villa than a bad life, as if this were man's greatest good: to have all things good except himself. But not even such evils, which alone these people dread, did their gods prevent from befalling them when they were freely worshipped by them. For when, at various times and places before the coming of our Redeemer, the human race was being crushed by countless disasters, some of them even incredible, what gods did the world worship other than these, except the one Hebrew people and certain persons outside that people, wherever they were found worthy of divine grace by the most hidden and most just judgment of God? But not to be too long, I will keep silent about the very grievous evils of other nations everywhere; I will speak only of what concerns Rome and the Roman empire, that is, the city proper and whatever lands were joined to it by alliance or subjected to it by conquest, what they suffered before the coming of Christ, when they already belonged, as it were, to the body of its state.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine turns from moral evils to the external calamities, such as war and famine, which Rome suffered while it worshipped the gods before Christ.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 3.1 (CSEL 40:109–110; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-3-1). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-3-1) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

3.2CSEL 40:110–112

CAPUT II. An di, qui et a Romanis et a Graecis similiter colebantur, causas habuerint, quibus Ilium paterentur exscindi. Primum ipsa Troia uel Ilium, unde origo est populi Romani, (neque enim praetereundum aut dissimulandum est, quod et in primo libro adtigi) eosdem habens deos et colens quur a Graecis uictum, captum adque deletum est? Priamo, inquiunt, sunt reddita Laomedontea paterna periuria. Ergo uerum est, quod Apollo adque Neptunus eidem Laomedonti mercennariis operibus seruierunt? Illis quippe promisisse mercedem falsumque iurasse perhibetur. Miror Apollinem nominatum diuinatorem in tanto opificio laborasse nescientem quod Laomedon fuerat promissa negaturus. Quamquam nec ipsum Neptunum, patruum eius, fratrem Iouis, regem maris, decuit ignarum esse futurorum. Nam hunc Homerus de stirpe Aeneae, a cuius posteris [condita] Roma est, cum ante illam urbem conditam idem poeta fuisse dicatur, inducit magnum aliquid diuinantem, quem etiam nube rapuit, ut dicit, ne ab Achille occideretur, cuperet cum uertere ab imo, quod aput Vergilium confitetur, Structa suis manibus periurae moenia Troiae. Nescientes igitur tanti di, Neptunus et Apollo, Laomedontem sibi negaturum esse mercedem, structores moenium Troianorum gratis et ingratis fuerunt. Videant ne grauius sit tales deos credere quam dis talibus peierare. Hoc enim nec ipse Homerus facile credidit, qui Neptunum quidem contra Troianos, Apollinem autem pro Troianis pugnantem facit, cum illo periurio ambos fabula narret offensos. Si igitur fabulis credunt, erubescant talia colere numina; si fabulis non credunt, non obtendant Troiana periuria, aut mirentur deos periuria punisse Troiana, amasse Romana. Unde enim coniuratio Catilinae in tanta tamque corrupta ciuitate habuit etiam eorum grandem copiam, quos manus adque lingua periurio aut sanguine ciuili alebat? Quid enim aliud totiens senatores corrupti in iudiciis, totiens populus in suffragiis uel in quibusque causis, quae aput eum contionibus agebantur, nisi etiam peierando peccabant? Namque corruptissimis moribus ad hoc mos iurandi seruabatur antiquus, non ut ab sceleribus metu religionis prohiberentur, sed ut periuria quoque sceleribus ceteris adderentur.

Chapter 2. Whether the gods, who were worshipped alike by the Romans and the Greeks, had reasons for allowing Ilium to be destroyed.

First, Troy itself, or Ilium, from which the Roman people originates (for what I touched on in the first book must not be passed over or disguised), why was it conquered, taken, and destroyed by the Greeks, when it had and worshipped the same gods? “Priam,” they say, “was paid back for his father Laomedon's perjuries.” Is it true, then, that Apollo and Neptune served that same Laomedon as hired workmen? For he is said to have promised them wages and sworn falsely. I am surprised that Apollo, famous as a diviner, labored at so great a work without knowing that Laomedon would refuse what he had promised. Though it did not befit Neptune himself either, his uncle, Jupiter's brother, king of the sea, to be ignorant of the future. For Homer, who is said to have lived before Rome was founded, brings him on predicting something great about the stock of Aeneas, from whose descendants Rome came; and he even snatched Aeneas away in a cloud, as the poet says, so that he would not be killed by Achilles, although, as he admits in Virgil, he desired to overturn from their foundations “the walls of perjured Troy, built by his own hands.” So these great gods, Neptune and Apollo, not knowing that Laomedon would refuse them their wages, were builders of the Trojan walls for nothing and for the ungrateful. Let them see whether it is not worse to believe in such gods than to perjure oneself to such gods. Homer himself did not easily believe it, since he makes Neptune fight against the Trojans but Apollo for them, though the fable relates that both were offended by that perjury. If, then, they believe the fables, let them blush to worship such deities; if they do not believe the fables, let them not plead the Trojan perjuries, or else let them wonder that the gods punished Trojan perjuries and loved Roman ones. For how did the conspiracy of Catiline, in so great and so corrupt a city, find such a large supply of men whom hand and tongue kept alive by perjury or civil bloodshed? What else were the senators doing, so often bribed in trials, and the people so often in elections or in any cases that were dealt with before them in assemblies, but sinning also by perjury? For amid the most corrupt morals the ancient custom of swearing was kept for this purpose: not that men might be restrained from crimes by religious fear, but that perjuries might be added to their other crimes.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine mocks the claim that Troy fell for Laomedon's perjury, pointing out that gods who could not foresee it were poor diviners and that Rome was full of perjury without being punished.

  • “Laomedon's perjuries”: Virgil, Georgics 1.502. Homer, Iliad 20.302–308 (Neptune/Poseidon rescues Aeneas); Virgil, Aeneid 5.810–811.
  • The editor deletes condita (“founded”) after “from whose descendants Rome” (square brackets); the English gives the sense.

Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Georg. 1.502 (Virgil; allusion); Homer, Il. 20.302–308 (Homer, Iliad; allusion); Virgil, Aen. 5.810–811 (Virgil; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 3.2 (CSEL 40:110–112; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-3-2). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-3-2) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

3.3CSEL 40:112–113

CAPUT III. Non potuisse offendi deos Paridis adulterio, quod inter ipsos traditur frequentatum. Nulla itaque causa est, quare di, quibus, ut dicunt, steterat illud imperium, cum a Graecis praeualentibus probentur uicti, Troianis peierantibus fingantur irati. Nec adulterio Paridis, ut rursus a quibusdam defenduntur, ut Troiam desererent, suscensuerunt. Auctores enim doctoresque peccatorum esse adsolent, non ultores. Urbem Romam, inquit Sallustius, sicuti ego accepi, condidere adque habuere initio Troiani, qui Aenea duce profugi sedibus incertis uagabantur. Si ergo adulterium Paridis uindicandum numina censuerunt, aut magis in Romanis aut certe etiam in Romanis puniendum fuit, quia Aeneae mater hoc fecit. Sed quo modo in illo illud flagitium oderant, qui in sua socia Venere non oderant (ut alia omittam) quod cum Anchise commiserat, ex quo Aenean pepererat? An quia illud factum est indignante Menelao, illud autem concedente Vulcano? Di enim, credo, non zelant coniuges suas usque adeo, ut eas etiam cum hominibus dignentur habere communes. Inridere fabulas fortassis existimor nec grauiter agere tanti ponderis causam. Non ergo credamus, si placet, Aenean esse Veneris filium: ecce concedo, si nec Romulum Martis. Si autem illud, quur non et illud? An deos [fas est] hominibus feminis, mares autem homines deabus misceri nefas? Dura uel potius non credenda condicio, quod ex iure Veneris in concubitu Marti licuit, hoc in iure suo ipsi Veneri non licere. At utrumque firmatum est auctoritate Romana. Neque enim minus credidit recentior Caesar auiam Venerem quam patrem antiquior Romulus Martem.

Chapter 3. That the gods could not have been offended by the adultery of Paris, since it is reported to have been common among themselves.

There is no reason, then, why the gods by whom, they say, that empire had stood should be pretended to be angry with the perjured Trojans when they are proved to have been conquered by the stronger Greeks. Nor, as others again defend them, were they angry at Paris's adultery so as to desert Troy. For they are accustomed to be the authors and teachers of sins, not their avengers. “The city of Rome,” says Sallust, “as I have learned, was founded and at first inhabited by Trojans, who, fleeing under Aeneas's leadership, wandered without fixed homes.” If, then, the deities thought Paris's adultery must be avenged, it ought to have been punished rather in the Romans, or at least in the Romans too, because Aeneas's mother did it. But how could they hate that crime in him, when they did not hate in their companion Venus (to pass over other things) what she had committed with Anchises, by whom she bore Aeneas? Was it because the one was done while Menelaus was indignant, the other while Vulcan consented? For the gods, I suppose, are not so jealous of their wives as not to deign to share them even with men. Perhaps I am thought to be mocking fables and not treating seriously a cause of such weight. Then let us not believe, if you please, that Aeneas is the son of Venus: see, I grant it, provided that Romulus is not the son of Mars either. But if the one, why not the other? Or is it lawful for gods to mix with human women, but unlawful for male humans to mix with goddesses? A hard, or rather an incredible, condition, that what was allowed to Mars by the law of Venus in intercourse should not be allowed to Venus herself by her own law. But both have been confirmed by Roman authority. For the later Caesar believed no less that Venus was his ancestress than the earlier Romulus believed that Mars was his father.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that gods who themselves committed adultery, as Venus did with Anchises and Mars with Romulus's mother, could not have abandoned Troy to punish Paris.

  • Sallust, Catiline 6.1.
  • The editor deletes fas est (“is it lawful”) (square brackets); the question is translated by sense.

Extrabiblical texts: Sallust, Cat. 6.1 (Sallust; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 3.3 (CSEL 40:112–113; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-3-3). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-3-3) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

3.4CSEL 40:113

CAPUT IIII. De sententia Varronis, qua utile esse dixit, ut se homines dis genitos mentiantur. Dixerit aliquis: Itane tu ista credis? Ego uero ista non credo. Nam et uir doctissimus eorum Varro falsa haec esse, quamuis non audacter neque fidenter, paene tamen fatetur. Sed utile ciuitatibus esse dicit, ut se uiri fortes, etiamsi falsum sit, dis genitos esse credant, ut eo modo animus humanus uelut diuinae stirpis fiduciam gerens res magnas adgrediendas praesumat audacius, agat uehementius et ob hoc inpleat ipsa securitate felicius. Quae Varronis sententia expressa, ut potui, meis uerbis cernis quam latum locum aperiat falsitati, ubi intellegamus plura iam sacra et quasi religiosa potuisse confingi, ubi putata sunt ciuibus etiam de ipsis dis prodesse mendacia.

Chapter 4. On Varro's opinion, in which he said that it is useful for men to pretend to be sons of gods.

Someone may say: Do you really believe these things? No, I do not believe them. For even their most learned man, Varro, almost admits that they are false, though not boldly or confidently. But he says it is useful to states for brave men to believe that they are sons of gods, even if it is false, so that in this way the human mind, bearing the confidence of a divine lineage, may undertake great enterprises more boldly, carry them out more vigorously, and through that very assurance accomplish them more successfully. You see how wide a field this opinion of Varro, expressed as well as I could in my own words, opens to falsehood; from it we may understand that many more sacred and supposedly religious things could have been invented, where lies even about the gods themselves were thought to benefit the citizens.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine reports Varro's view that it is useful for great men to believe themselves descended from gods even if it is false, and notes how much room this leaves for religious fictions.

  • From a lost work of Varro (probably the Antiquities).

Extrabiblical texts: Varro, Ant. rer. div. frag. (Varro; allusion)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 3.4 (CSEL 40:113; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-3-4). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-3-4) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

3.5CSEL 40:113–114

CAPUT V. Non probari quod di adulterium Paridis punierint, quod in Romuli matre non ulti sunt. Sed utrum potuerit Venus ex concubitu Anchisae Aenean parere uel Mars ex concubitu filiae Numitoris Romulum gignere, in medio relinquamus. Nam paene talis quaestio etiam de scripturis nostris oboritur, qua quaeritur, utrum praeuaricatores angeli cum filiabus hominum concubuerint, unde natis gigantibus, hoc est nimium grandibus ac fortibus uiris, tunc terra conpleta est. Proinde ad utrumque interim modo nostra disputatio referatur. Si enim uera sunt, quae aput illos de matre Aeneae et de patre Romuli lectitantur, quo modo possunt dis adulteria displicere hominum, quae in se ipsis concorditer ferunt? Si autem falsa sunt, ne sic quidem possunt irasci ueris adulteriis humanis, qui etiam falsis delectantur suis. Huc accedit, quoniam, si illud de Marte non creditur, ut hoc quoque de Venere non credatur, nullo diuini concubitus obtentu matris Romuli causa defenditur. Fuit autem sacerdos illa Vestalis, et ideo di magis in Romanos sacrilegum illud flagitium quam in Troianos Paridis adulterium uindicare debuerunt. Nam et ipsi Romani antiqui in stupro detectas Vestae sacerdotes uiuas etiam defodiebant, adulteras autem feminas, quamuis aliqua damnatione, nulla tamen morte plectebant: usque adeo grauius quae putabant adyta diuina quam humana cubilia uindicabant.

Chapter 5. That it is not proved that the gods punished the adultery of Paris, since they did not avenge it in the mother of Romulus.

But whether Venus could bear Aeneas from intercourse with Anchises, or Mars beget Romulus from intercourse with Numitor's daughter, let us leave undecided. For almost such a question arises also from our Scriptures, where it is asked whether the transgressing angels lay with the daughters of men, from whom giants, that is, exceedingly large and strong men, were born, with whom the earth was then filled. So for now let our argument refer to both possibilities. For if what is read among them about Aeneas's mother and Romulus's father is true, how can the adulteries of men displease the gods, when they bear them among themselves in harmony? But if it is false, not even so can they be angry at real human adulteries, when they delight even in false ones of their own. Add to this that, if the story about Mars is not believed, so that the one about Venus may not be believed either, the case of Romulus's mother is defended by no pretext of divine intercourse. And she was a Vestal priestess, so the gods ought rather to have avenged that sacrilegious crime on the Romans than Paris's adultery on the Trojans. For the ancient Romans themselves even buried alive priestesses of Vesta detected in unchastity, while adulterous women, though they punished them with some penalty, they punished with no death: so much more severely did they avenge what they thought divine sanctuaries than human marriage beds.

Gen 6:1–4 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that if Romulus's mother, a Vestal, was not with Mars, her unchastity was a sacrilege the gods should have punished in Rome more than Paris's adultery in Troy.

  • Genesis 6:1–4. Augustine discusses the question fully in Book 15.23.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 3.5 (CSEL 40:113–114; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-3-5). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-3-5) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

3.6CSEL 40:114–115

CAPUT VI. De parricidio Romuli, quod di non uindicarunt. Aliud adicio, quia, si peccata hominum illis numinibus displicerent, ut offensi Paridis facto desertam Troiam ferro ignibusque donarent, magis eos contra Romanos moueret Romuli frater occisus quam contra Troianos Graecus maritus inlusus; magis inritaret parricidium nascentis quam regnantis adulterium ciuitatis. Nec ad causam, quam nunc agimus, interest, utrum hoc fieri Romulus iusserit aut Romulus fecerit, quod multi inpudentia negant, multi pudore dubitant, multi dolore dissimulant. Nec nos itaque in ea re diligentius requirenda per multorum scriptorum perpensa testimonia demoremur: Romuli fratrem palam constat occisum, non ab hostibus, non ab alienis. Si aut perpetrauit aut imperauit hoc Romulus, magis ipse fuit Romanorum quam Paris Troianorum caput; quur igitur Troianis iram deorum prouocauit ille alienae coniugis raptor, et eorundem deorum tutelam Romanis inuitauit iste sui fratris extinctor? Si autem illud scelus a facto imperioque Romuli alienum est: quoniam debuit utique uindicari, tota hoc illa ciuitas fecit, quod tota contemsit, et non iam fratrem, sed patrem, quod est peius, occidit. Uterque enim fuit conditor, ubi alter scelere ablatus non permissus est esse regnator. Non est, ut arbitror, quod dicatur quid mali Troia meruerit, ut eam di desererent, quo posset extingui, et quid boni Roma, ut eam di inhabitarent, quo posset augeri; nisi quod uicti inde fugerunt et se ad istos, quos pariter deciperent, contulerunt; immo uero et illic manserunt ad eos more suo decipiendos, qui rursus easdem terras habitarent, et hic easdem artes fallaciae suae magis etiam exercendo maioribus honoribus gloriati sunt.

Chapter 6. On the fratricide of Romulus, which the gods did not avenge.

I add another point: if the sins of men displeased those deities, so that, offended by Paris's deed, they deserted Troy and gave it up to sword and fire, the murder of Romulus's brother would have moved them against the Romans more than the deceiving of a Greek husband against the Trojans; the fratricide of a city being born would have provoked them more than the adultery of a city reigning. Nor does it matter for the case we are now arguing whether Romulus ordered it or did it himself, which many deny from shamelessness, many doubt from shame, many disguise from grief. So we will not delay by investigating this more carefully, weighing the testimonies of many writers: it is certain that Romulus's brother was killed openly, not by enemies, not by strangers. If Romulus either committed or ordered it, he was the head of the Romans more than Paris was of the Trojans. Why then did the one, the abductor of another man's wife, provoke the anger of the gods against the Trojans, and the other, the killer of his own brother, invite the protection of the same gods for the Romans? But if that crime had nothing to do with Romulus's deed or command, then, since it certainly ought to have been avenged, the whole city committed it, because the whole city disregarded it; and it killed not a brother but, what is worse, a father. For both were founders, since one, removed by a crime, was not allowed to be a ruler. There is nothing to be said, I think, about what evil Troy deserved that the gods should desert it so that it could be destroyed, or what good Rome deserved that the gods should dwell in it so that it could grow; except that, having been conquered, they fled from there and betook themselves to these people, to deceive them likewise; or rather they stayed there too to deceive in their usual way those who again inhabited those lands, and here, practicing the same arts of their deceit even more, they gloried in greater honors.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that Romulus's murder of his brother should have provoked the gods against Rome more than Paris's adultery against Troy.

  • Livy 1.7 gives both versions of Remus's death.

Extrabiblical texts: Livy, 1.7 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 3.6 (CSEL 40:114–115; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/2-24/#p-3-6). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-3-6) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).