Homilies on Acts 51.1–51.5

Greek text: PG 60.English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 11 (1889).

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Chapter 51

51.1PG 60:316

εἰδὼς τὰ περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ, εἰπών" Ὅταν Λυσίας ὁ Διαταξάμενός τὰ τῷ ἑχατογτάρχῃ τηρεῖσθαι τὸν Παῦλον, ἔχειν τε ἄνεσιν. καὶ μηδένω κωλύειν τῶν ἰδίων ὑπηρετεῖν ἣ προσέρχεσθαι αὐτῷ. Ὅρα πότη γίνεται ἡ βάσανος, πρῶτων μὲν ὑπὸ τολλῶν, εἶτα καὶ ἐν γοόνῳ μακρῷ, ὥστε μὴ εἰπεῖν, ὅτι συνιρπάγη τὸ δικαστήριον. Ἐπειδὴ γὰρ, Αυτίον ὁ ῥήτωρ, εἰπὼν, ὅτι μετὰ βίας ἀφείλετο αὑτὸν, ἐπήγαγεν εὐκαίρως τὰ περὶ τοῦ Φήλικος, καί φησιν" τὰ περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ" τουτέστιν, ἐπίτηδες ὑπερέθετο" οὐ ὀεόμενο; μαθεῖν, ἀλλὰ διαχρούσασθαι βουλόμενης τοὺς Ἰουδαίους. ᾿Αφεῖναι οὐκ ἤθελε δι᾽ ἐκείνους᾽ κολάσαι πάλιν, οὐκ ἦν δυνατόν" ἀναίσχυντον γὰρ ἦν. Διὸ καὶ χαξωξ, διαγνώσομωι, τὰ καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς. Διαταξάμενός τε τῷ ἑκατογτάρχῃ τηρεῖσθαι τὸν Παὺ ἴον, ἔχειν τε ἄνοσιν, χωὶ μηδένα χκωιϊύειν τῶν ἰδίων ὑπηρετεῖν ἢ προσέρχεσύαι αὑτῷ. “ἔχειν τε, φησὶν, ἄνεσιν. Οὕτως αὐτὸν καὶ αὐτὸς ἀφῆκεν ἐγκλημάτων. Τί οὖν χατἐξι ἃ-: εἰς, Ἐκείνοις χαριζόμενος, ἣ καὶ ἕτ' προσδοκῶν γαὶ ὅτι ἐπὶ τούτῳ μετεχαλέσατο, δῆλον ἡμῖν τοῦτο ποιεῖ ὁ αυτγγρατεὺ: ἱπάγων, καὶ λέγων" Μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας παραγενόμενος ὁ Φη.λιιξ σὺν Δρουσί,1.1ῃ τῇ -υνωικὶ, οὔσῃ Ιουδαίᾳ, μετεπέμψατο τὸν Παῦλον, καὶ ἤἥχουσεν αὑτοῦ περὶ τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν" Ἰησοῦν φίστεως. Διι.λετομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ ἐγκρατείας καὶ τοῦ κρίματος τοῦ μέλλοντος γῦν ἔχον πορεύου" καιρὲν δὲ μεταλαδὼν σομαί σε’ ἅμα καὶ ἐλπίζων, ὅτε χρήματα δοθήσεται αὑτῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ Παύλου, ὅπως λύσῃ αὐτόν. Διὸ καὶ συχνότερον αὑτὸν μεταπεμπόμενος ὡμίλει αὐτῷ. “Ὅρα πὼς τῆς ἀληθεία; ἔχεται τὰ γραφόμενα. Μετεπέμπετο δὲ αὐτὺν συνεχῶς, οὐκὶ θαυμάζων αὐτὸν, οὐδὲ ἐπαινῶν τὰ λετόμενα, οὐδὲ πιστεῦσαι βουλόμενος, ἀλλὰ τί; Προσδοκῶν., φησ χρήματα δοθήσεσθαιαὐτῷ.Σκόπει, πῶς οὐ κρύπτει ἐνταῦθα τοῦ δικαστοῦ τὴν γνώμην" καίτοι εἰ χατεγνώχδι, οὖκ ἂν τοῦτο ἐτουίησεν, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἠθέλησεν ἀκοῦσαι πσρὰ χεταδίχου καὶ πονηροῦ. Καὶ ὄρα τὸν Παῦλον, καίτοι πρὸς ἄρχοντα διαλεγόμενον, μηδὲν τούτων λέγοντα, ὧν εἰκὸς ἀνεῖναι αὐτοῦ τὴν ψυχὴν, ἀλλὰ τοιαῦτα, ἐξ ὧν καὶ φυδεῖται, καὶ κατασείεται τὴν διάνοιαν. τὰρ, φησὶ, περὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ ἐγκρατείας καὶ τοῦ ἐγένετο. Τοσαύτη ἣν ἡ ἰσχὺς τῶν Παύλου ῥημάτων, ὅτε καὶ φοθοῦτι τὸν ἄρχοντα. Καὶ οὗτος μὲν λαμθάνει διάδοχον, καὶ ἀφίησι τοῦτον δέσμιον, καίτοε γε οὐκ ἡ ἔδει, ἀλλὰ τέλος ἐπιθεῖναι, ἀλλὰ χαριζόμενος ἐκείνοις κατέλιπεν αὑτόν. Οὗτοι δὲ οὕτως ἐνέχειντο, ὡς πάλιν ἐντυχεῖν, καίτοι οὐδενὶ τῶν ἀποστόλων οὕτως ἐπετέθησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιτιθέμενοι, πάλιν ἀφίσταντο. Οὕτως οἰκονομικῶς ἀφίσταται τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων πρὸς τοιαῦτα θηρία ἔχων,. καὶ ὅμως ἀξ'οῦσιν αὐτὸν πάλιν ἀχθῆναι ἐκεῖ διχασόμενον. ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ ἐνταῦθα λοιπὸν φχονόμησεν ὁ Θεὸς, οὐκ ἐπιτρέπων τῷ ἄρχοντι" εἰκὸς γὰρ αὐτὸν νεωστὶ «ἧς ἀρχῆς ἐπιδάντα καὶ θελῆσαι χαρίσασδαι ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀφίησιν ὁ Θεός. Ἐπειδὴ ὃὲ χατῆλθαν, λοιπὸν ἀναισχύντως καὶ μειζόνως; ἐποιοῦντο τὰς κατηγορίας - καὶ οὐκ ἰσχύσαντες ἀπὸ τῶν νομικῶν ἑλεῖν, πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ εἰωθὸς αὑτοῖς ἔθος, τὰ κατὰ Καίσαρα ἐκίνουν, ὅπερ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐποίουν. Τὸ γὰρ τὸν Παῦλον ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ τῶν εἰς Καίσαρα ἁμαρτημάτων, δῆλον τοῦτο ἦν, ὅθεν καὶ αὐτὸ ἑρμηνεύων ἐπάγει" Διδείας δὲ πληρω- Θέλων δὸ χάριν καταθέσθαι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ὁ Φῆλιξ, τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ, μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀνέθδη εἰς Ἵεροσόἴυμα ἀπὸ Καισαρείας. ᾿Ἐνεφάνισάν τὸ αὐτῷ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν. Ιουδαίων κατὰ τοῦ Παύϊλον. καὶ παρεχάλονν αὐτὸν, αἰτούμενοι χάριν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ὅπως μεταπέμψηται αὐτὸν εἰς Ἱερου-" σαϊὴμ, ἔνεδρον ποιοῦντες ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν κατὰ τὴνὁδόν. Ὃ μὲν οὖν Φῆστος ἀπεκρίθη τηρεῖσθαι τὸν Παῦλον ἐν Καισωρείᾳ, ἑαυτὸν δὲ μέλλειν ἐν τάχει ἐκπορεύεσθαι. Οἱ οὖν δυνατοὶ ἐν ὑμῖν, φησὶν, συγκαταθάντες, εἴ τί ἐστιν ἐν τῷ ἀνδρὶ τούτῳ, κατῃηγορείτωσαν αὐτοῦ. Διατρίψας δὲ ἐν αὑτοῖς ἡμέρας πλείους ἣἢἣ δέκα, καταδὰς εἰς Καισάρειαν, τῇ ἐπαύριον καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, ἐκέλευσε τὸν, Πωῦον ἀχθῆναι. Παραγενομένου δὲ αὑτοῦ, περιἐστησαν οἱ ἀπὸ ᾿Ἱεροσοιλύμων καταδεθηκότες ᾽ἴου-. δαῖοι. πο.λλὰ καὶ βαρέα αἰτιώματα φέροντες κατὰ τοῦ Παύιλον, ἃ οὐκ ἴσχυον ἀποδεῖξαι, ἀποιλογουμέγου αὑτοῦ, ὅτι Οὔτε εἰς τὸν νόμον τῶν Ιουδαίων, οὔτε εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν, οὔτε εἰς Καίσαρά τι ἥμαρτον. Φῆστος δὲ τοῖς Ιουδαίοις θέλων χάριν καταθέσθαι, ἀποκριθεὶς τῷ Παύλῳ, εἶπε" Θέ,εις εἰς ᾿Ιεροσόλυμα, ἀγαδὰς, ἐκεῖ περὶ τούτων χρίγεσθαι ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ; “Ὅρα πῶς καὶλαύτὸς τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις χαρίζεται, δήμῳ ὁλοκλήρῳ, καὶ πόλει. Διὰ τοῦτο πάλιν καὶ αὑτὸν ἐκφοδεῖ, ἀνθρωπίνῳ χρησάμενος ὅπλῳ᾽ καὶ ἄκουε πῶς. Εἶπε δὲ ὁ Παῦ- Ἅος" 'Επὶ τοῦ βήματος Καίσαρος ἑστώς εἶμι, οὗ με δεῖ κρίνεσθαι. Ἰουδαίους οὐδὲν ἠδίχησα, ὡς καὶ σὺ κάλλιον ἐπιγινώσκεις. Εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀδικῶ, καὶ ἄξιον θαγάτου πέπραχά τι, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν" εἰ δὲ οὐδέν ἐστιν ὧν οὗτοι κατηγοροῦσί μου, οὐδείς με δύναται αὐτοῖς χαρίσασθαι. Καίσαρα ἐπικαλοῦμαι. ᾿Αλλ᾽ εἴποι ἄν τις ἐνταῦθα " Καὶ τίνος ἕνεκεν ἀκούσας, ὅτι Καὶ ἐν Ρώμῃ σε δεῖ μαρτυρῆσαι τὰ περὶ ἐμοῦ, ὡς ἀπιστῶν ταῦτα ἐποίει; Μὴ γένοιτο, ἀλλὰ καὶ σφόδρα πιστεύων. Μᾶλλον οὖν πειράζοντο; ἦν τὸ θαῤῥεῖν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἀποφάσει, καὶ εἰς μυρίου; ἑαυτὸν ἐμβάλλειν κινδύνους, καὶ λέγειν" Ἴδωμεν εἰ δύναται ὁ θεὸς καὶ οὕτως ἐξελέσθαι με. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐ ποιεῖ τοῦτο Παῦλος, ἀλλὰ τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν πάντα εἰσφέρει, τὸ πᾶν ἐπιτρέσῶν τῷ Θεῷ ἠρέμα δὲ καὶ καθάπτεται τοῦ ἄρχοντος οὕτως ἀπολογούμενος" μονονουχὶ γὰρ τοῦτο λέγει" Εἰ μὲν ἀδικῶ, καλῶς εἰ δὲ οὐκ ἀδικῶ, τί με ἐχδίδως; Οὐδεὶς δύναταί με, φησὶ, χαρίσασθαι. Εἰς φόδον αὑτὸν ἐνέδαλεν ὥστε μηδὲ ἐχόντα χαρίσασθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς ἐκείνους ἔχειν ἀπολογίαν τὴν ἔφεσιν. Τότε ὁ Φῆστος συκλλα.λήσας μετὰ τοῦ συμδουμίου, ἀπεχρίθη " Καί-

eidōs ta peri tēs hodou, eipōn" Hotan Lysias ho Diataxamenos ta tǭ hechatogtarchę̄ tēreisthai ton Paulon, echein te anesin. kai mēdenō kōlyein tōn idiōn hypēretein hē proserchesthai autǭ. Hora potē ginetai hē basanos, prōtōn men hypo tollōn, eita kai en goonǭ makrǭ, hōste mē eipein, hoti synirpagē to dikastērion. Epeidē gar, Aution ho rhētōr, eipōn, hoti meta bias apheileto hauton, epēgagen eukairōs ta peri tou Phēlikos, kai phēsin" ta peri tēs hodou" toutestin, epitēdes hyperetheto" ou oeomeno? mathein, alla diachrousasthai boulomenēs tous Ioudaious. ᾿Apheinai ouk ēthele di᾽ ekeinous᾽ kolasai palin, ouk ēn dynaton" anaischynton gar ēn. Dio kai chaxōx, diagnōsomōi, ta kath᾽ hymas. Diataxamenos te tǭ hekatogtarchę̄ tēreisthai ton Pau ion, echein te anosin, chōi mēdena chkōiïyein tōn idiōn hypēretein ē proserchesyai hautǭ. “echein te, phēsin, anesin. Houtōs auton kai autos aphēken enklēmatōn. Ti oun chatexi ha-: eis, Ekeinois charizomenos, hē kai het' prosdokōn gai hoti epi toutǭ metechalesato, dēlon hēmin touto poiei ho autngrateu: hipagōn, kai legōn" Meta de tinas hēmeras paragenomenos ho Phē.liix syn Drousi,1.1ę̄ tę̄ -ynōiki, ousę̄ Ioudaią, metepempsato ton Paulon, kai hēēchousen hautou peri tēs eis Christon" Iēsoun phisteōs. Dii.letomenou de autou peri dikaiosynēs kai enkrateias kai tou krimatos tou mellontos gyn echon poreuou" kairen de metaladōn somai se’ hama kai elpizōn, hote chrēmata dothēsetai hautǭ hypo tou Paulou, hopōs lysę̄ auton. Dio kai sychnoteron hauton metapempomenos hōmilei autǭ. “Hora pōs tēs alētheia? echetai ta graphomena. Metepempeto de autyn synechōs, ouki thaumazōn auton, oude epainōn ta letomena, oude pisteusai boulomenos, alla ti? Prosdokōn., phēs chrēmata dothēsesthaiautǭ.Skopei, pōs ou kryptei entautha tou dikastou tēn gnōmēn" kaitoi ei chategnōchdi, ouk an touto etouiēsen, oud᾽ an ēthelēsen akousai psra chetadichou kai ponērou. Kai ora ton Paulon, kaitoi pros archonta dialegomenon, mēden toutōn legonta, hōn eikos aneinai autou tēn psychēn, alla toiauta, ex hōn kai phydeitai, kai kataseietai tēn dianoian. tar, phēsi, peri dikaiosynēs kai enkrateias kai tou egeneto. Tosautē hēn hē ischys tōn Paulou rhēmatōn, hote kai phothouti ton archonta. Kai houtos men lamthanei diadochon, kai aphiēsi touton desmion, kaitoe ge ouk hē edei, alla telos epitheinai, alla charizomenos ekeinois katelipen hauton. Houtoi de houtōs enecheinto, hōs palin entychein, kaitoi oudeni tōn apostolōn houtōs epetethēsan, all᾽ epitithemenoi, palin aphistanto. Houtōs oikonomikōs aphistatai tōn Hierosolymōn pros toiauta thēria echōn,. kai homōs ax'ousin auton palin achthēnai ekei dichasomenon. ᾿Alla kai entautha loipon phchonomēsen ho Theos, ouk epitrepōn tǭ archonti" eikos gar auton neōsti «hēs archēs epidanta kai thelēsai charisasdai all᾽ ouk aphiēsin ho Theos. Epeidē hoe chatēlthan, loipon anaischyntōs kai meizonōs? epoiounto tas katēgorias - kai ouk ischysantes apo tōn nomikōn helein, palin epi to eiōthos hautois ethos, ta kata Kaisara ekinoun, hoper kai epi tou Christou epoioun. To gar ton Paulon apologeisthai peri tōn eis Kaisara hamartēmatōn, dēlon touto ēn, hothen kai auto hermēneuōn epagei" Dideias de plērō- Thelōn do charin katathesthai tois Ioudaiois ho Phēlix, tę̄ eparchią, meta treis hēmeras anethdē eis Hierosoiyma apo Kaisareias. ᾿Enephanisan to autǭ hoi archiereis kai hoi prōtoi tōn. Ioudaiōn kata tou Pauïlon. kai parechalonn auton, aitoumenoi charin par᾽ autou, hopōs metapempsētai auton eis Hierou-" saïēm, enedron poiountes anelein auton kata tēnodon. Ho men oun Phēstos apekrithē tēreisthai ton Paulon en Kaisōreią, heauton de mellein en tachei ekporeuesthai. Hoi oun dynatoi en hymin, phēsin, synkatathantes, ei ti estin en tǭ andri toutǭ, katę̄ēgoreitōsan autou. Diatripsas de en hautois hēmeras pleious hēēē deka, katadas eis Kaisareian, tę̄ epaurion kathisas epi tou bēmatos, ekeleuse ton, Pōyon achthēnai. Paragenomenou de hautou, periestēsan hoi apo ᾿Hierosoilymōn katadethēkotes ᾽iou-. daioi. po.lla kai barea aitiōmata pherontes kata tou Pauilon, ha ouk ischyon apodeixai, apoilogoumegou hautou, hoti Oute eis ton nomon tōn Ioudaiōn, oute eis to hieron, oute eis Kaisara ti hēmarton. Phēstos de tois Ioudaiois thelōn charin katathesthai, apokritheis tǭ Paulǭ, eipe" The,eis eis ᾿Ierosolyma, agadas, ekei peri toutōn chrigesthai ep᾽ emou? “Hora pōs kailautos tois Ioudaiois charizetai, dēmǭ holoklērǭ, kai polei. Dia touto palin kai hauton ekphodei, anthrōpinǭ chrēsamenos hoplǭ᾽ kai akoue pōs. Eipe de ho Pau- Haos" 'Epi tou bēmatos Kaisaros hestōs eimi, hou me dei krinesthai. Ioudaious ouden ēdichēsa, hōs kai sy kallion epiginōskeis. Ei men gar adikō, kai axion thagatou pepracha ti, ou paraitoumai to apothanein" ei de ouden estin hōn houtoi katēgorousi mou, oudeis me dynatai autois charisasthai. Kaisara epikaloumai. ᾿All᾽ eipoi an tis entautha " Kai tinos heneken akousas, hoti Kai en Rōmę̄ se dei martyrēsai ta peri emou, hōs apistōn tauta epoiei? Mē genoito, alla kai sphodra pisteuōn. Mallon oun peirazonto? ēn to tharrhein ekeinę̄ tę̄ apophasei, kai eis myriou? heauton emballein kindynous, kai legein" Idōmen ei dynatai ho theos kai houtōs exelesthai me. ᾿All᾽ ou poiei touto Paulos, alla ta kath᾽ heauton panta eispherei, to pan epitresōn tǭ Theǭ ērema de kai kathaptetai tou archontos houtōs apologoumenos" mononouchi gar touto legei" Ei men adikō, kalōs ei de ouk adikō, ti me echdidōs? Oudeis dynatai me, phēsi, charisasthai. Eis phodon hauton enedalen hōste mēde echonta charisasthai, alla kai pros ekeinous echein apologian tēn ephesin. Tote ho Phēstos syklla.lēsas meta tou symdoumiou, apechrithē " Kai-

“… having more exact knowledge of the Way, saying, ‘When Lysias the tribune comes down, I will decide your case’; and he ordered the centurion to keep Paul in custody, but to let him have some liberty, and to prevent none of his friends from attending to him or visiting him.” See how great the examination becomes: first by many, then over a long time, so that it might not be said that the trial was rushed. For since the orator, having said that Lysias took him away by force, … he fittingly brought in what concerns Felix, and it says, “having more exact knowledge of the Way,” that is, he deliberately put it off, not needing to learn, but wishing to put the Jews off. He did not want to release him because of them; to punish him, again, was impossible, for it would have been shameless. That is why he says, “… I will decide your case.” “And he ordered the centurion to keep Paul in custody, but to let him have some liberty, and to prevent none of his friends from attending to him or visiting him.” “And to let him have some liberty,” it says. So he too cleared him of the charges. Why, then, does he detain him? To please those men, or else expecting … And that it was for this that he summoned him, the writer makes clear to us, going on to say: “After some days Felix came with his wife Drusilla, who was a Jewess, and sent for Paul and heard him concerning faith in Christ Jesus. And as he reasoned about righteousness and self-control and the coming judgment, [Felix became afraid and answered,] ‘For the present go; when I find an opportunity I will summon you.’ At the same time he also hoped that money would be given him by Paul, so that he might release him. So he sent for him rather often and conversed with him.” See how what is written holds to the truth. He sent for him often, not admiring him, nor praising what was said, nor wanting to believe; but why? “Expecting,” it says, “that money would be given him.” Consider how it does not hide the judge’s mind here; and yet if he had condemned him he would not have done this, nor would he have wanted to hear from a condemned and wicked man. And see Paul: though speaking to a ruler, he says none of the things likely to relax his soul, but things by which he is both frightened and shaken in mind. “For as he reasoned,” it says, “about righteousness and self-control and the coming judgment,” [Felix] became [afraid]. So great was the power of Paul’s words that he even frightens the ruler. And this man receives a successor and leaves Paul a prisoner, although he ought to have released him, or rather to have brought the case to an end; but to please those men he left him behind. But these men pressed so hard as to appeal again; and yet they did not attack any of the apostles like this, but, having attacked, they desisted again. So by dispensation he leaves Jerusalem, having such beasts to deal with; and yet they ask that he be brought there again to be tried. But here too God arranged things, not leaving it to the ruler; for it was likely that, having just entered on his office, he would want to do them a favor; but God does not allow it. And when they came down, they now made their accusations shamelessly and more vehemently; and being unable to convict him from matters of the law, they again resorted to their usual practice and stirred up the matters concerning Caesar, which they also did in the case of Christ. For this was clear from Paul’s making a defense about offenses against Caesar; hence, explaining this very thing, it goes on: “When two years had passed … And wishing to do the Jews a favor, Felix [left Paul in prison]. [Now Festus, having arrived] in the province, after three days went up from Caesarea to Jerusalem. And the chief priests and the leading men of the Jews laid information before him against Paul, and they urged him, asking a favor against him, that he would summon him to Jerusalem, planning an ambush to kill him on the way. Festus answered that Paul was being kept at Caesarea, and that he himself intended to go there shortly. ‘So,’ he said, ‘let those of you who have authority come down with me, and if there is anything wrong in the man, let them accuse him.’ After staying among them not more than ten days, he went down to Caesarea; and the next day he took his seat on the tribunal and ordered Paul to be brought. When he had come, the Jews who had come down from Jerusalem stood around him, bringing many serious charges against Paul which they could not prove, while Paul said in his defense, ‘Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I committed any offense.’ But Festus, wishing to do the Jews a favor, said to Paul in answer, ‘Do you wish to go up to Jerusalem and be tried on these charges there before me?’” See how he too does the Jews a favor, a whole people and a city. That is why Paul in turn frightens him, using a human weapon; and hear how. “But Paul said, ‘I am standing before Caesar’s tribunal, where I ought to be tried. I have done no wrong to the Jews, as you yourself know very well. If then I am a wrongdoer and have done anything worthy of death, I do not refuse to die; but if there is nothing in their charges against me, no one can give me up to them. I appeal to Caesar.’” But someone might say here: “And why, having heard, ‘You must bear witness about me in Rome too,’ did he do these things, as if he did not believe?” God forbid; rather, he believed strongly. It would rather have been tempting God to rely on that declaration and throw himself into countless dangers, and to say, “Let us see whether God can rescue me even so.” But Paul does not do this; he contributes everything on his own part, entrusting the whole to God. And he gently takes the ruler to task too in making his defense thus; for he almost says this: If I do wrong, well and good; but if I do no wrong, why do you hand me over? “No one,” he says, “can give me up.” He threw him into fear, so that he could not do them the favor even if he wished, but would also have the appeal as his excuse to them. “Then Festus, having conferred with his council, answered, ‘To Cae-

Acts 24:22 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 24:23 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 24:24 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 24:25 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 24:26 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 24:27 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:1 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:2 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:3 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:4 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:5 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:6 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:7 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:8 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:9 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:10 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:11 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:12 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 23:11 (allusion, high confidence) · John 19:12 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Chrysostom comments on Felix’s delay of Paul’s case, his fearful hearing of Paul on righteousness, self-control and judgment while hoping for a bribe, and Paul’s appeal to Caesar before Festus, which was not unbelief but refusal to tempt God.

  • Lemmas: Acts 24:22–25:12. The scan has lost the beginning of the opening lemma (Acts 24:22, “But Felix put them off”) and lines elsewhere, marked “…” or bracketed: after “took him away by force”, in “That is why he says”, after “or else expecting” (probably “money”), in Acts 24:25, Acts 24:27 and Acts 25:1. The section breaks off in the middle of Festus’s answer (Acts 25:12).
  • “Tempting God”: Chrysostom’s explanation of why Paul appealed to Caesar despite the promise of Acts 23:11; translated as written.
  • “Which they also did in the case of Christ”: John 19:12.
  • Polemic: “having such beasts to deal with” is Chrysostom’s phrase for Paul’s opponents in Jerusalem; translated as written.
  • Stray marks and numerals were removed.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray letter; stray numeral read for the article; OCR; stray numeral; OCR): γίνεται 8 βάτανος → γίνεται ἡ βάσανος; ἐκίνουν Ὁ, → ἐκίνουν,; ἑαυτὸν 4 ἐ μδάλ-λεῖιν → ἑαυτὸν ἐμβάλλειν; τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ς χαρίζεται → τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις χαρίζεται.

Cite (SBL): Chrysostom, Hom. Act. 51.1 (PG 60:316; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/chrysostom-hom-acta/51-1). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Greek as printed in Migne PG 60 (archive.org OCR); each batch then compared with NPNF1 11.

51.2PG 60:316

Ὅρα, ἀναχοινοῦται τῷ ᾿Αγρίππᾷᾳ, ὥστε καὶ ἑτέρους Ὑενέσθαι πάλιν ἀκροατὰς, καὶ τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ τὸν στρατὸν, καὶ τὴν Βερνίχην. Εἶτα δὲ πάλιν ἀπολογία. Ἡμερῶν δὲ διαγενομένων, ᾿Αγρίαχπας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Βερνίκη κατήγτησαν εἷς Καισάρειαν ἁσπασόμενοι τὸν Φῆστον. Ὡς δὲ πιλείους ἡμέρας διέτριὅον ἐχαῖ, ὁ Φῆστος τῷ βασι.ῖεῖ ἀνέθετο τὰ κατὰ τὸν Παῦλον,.έγων" Ἁγὴρ τίς ἐστι ὑπὸ Φήιλικος δέσμιος " περὶ οὗ, γεγομέγου μου εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. ἐνεφάνισαν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσδύξεροι τῶν Ἰουδαίων, αἰτούμενοι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ δίκην. Πρὸς οὗς ἀπεχρίθην, ὅτι Οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος Ρωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον εἰς ἀπώλειαν, πρὶν ἣ ὁ πνατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόῥους, τόπον τε ἀποιλογίας.1άδοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήμα- ᾿ δος. Συνελθόντων οὖν αὐτῶν ἐνθάδε, ἀναδολὴν. μηδεμίαν ποιησάμενος, τῇ ἑξῆς καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, ἐκέλευσα ἀχθῆναι τὸν ἄγδρα. Περὶ οὗ σταθέντες οἱ κατήγοροι οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν ἑπέφερον, ὧν ὑπενόουν ἐγώ" ζητήματα δέ τινα περὶ τῆς ἰδίας δεισιδαιμονίως εἶχον πρὸς αὐτὸν, καὶ περί τινος Ἰησοῦ τεθνηκότος, ὃν ἔφασκεν ὁ Παῦλος ζῇν. Απορούμδενος δὲ ἐγὼ περὶ τὴν τούτου ζήτησιν, ἔλεγον, εἰ βούλοιτο πορεύεσθαι εἰς κἀκεῖ κρίνεσθαι περὶ τούτων. Τοῦ δὲ Παύνλου ἐπικαλεσαμέγου τηρηθῆναι αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν τοῦ Σεδαστοῦ διάγνωσιν, ἐκέλευσα τηρεῖσθαι αὐτὸν, ἕως ἂν πέμψω αὐτὸν πρὸς Καίσαρα. ᾿Αγρίππας δὲ πρὸϊ τὸν Φῆστον ἔφη" Ἑθουλόμην καὶ αὐτὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀκοῦσαι. Ὁ δὲ, Αὔριον, φησὶν, ἀκούσῃ αὐτοῦ. Ὅρα κατηγορίαν Ἰουδαίων πάλιν, οὐ παρὰ τοῦ Παύλον, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῦ ἄρχοντος. Ἐγεφάνισαν, φησὶν, οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσδύτεροι τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, αἰτούμενοι κατ᾽ αὑτοῦ δίκην. Πρὸς οὖς ἐγὼ ἀπεκρίθην. Ὅρα καὶ τί ἀποχρίνεται εἰς αἰσχύνην αὐτῶν" ὅτι Οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος Ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον εἰς ἀπώλειαν" τουτέστι, πρὶν ἣ λόγο) αὑτῷ μεταδοῦναι ἀδύνατον τὸ χαρίζεσθαι ἁπλῶς. Κατὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς δὲ ποιήσας, οὐκ εὖρεν αἰκίαν" ὅθεν καὶ ἀπορεῖτα: ἐπὶ τούτῳ, Καὶ δῆλον τοῦτο δι᾿ ὧν ἐπήγαγε, λέγων’ ᾿Απορούμενος δὲ ἐγὼ περὶ τὴν τούτων ζήτησιν. Οὕτως εἶπε, συσκιάξων τὸ οἰκεῖον ἁμάρτημα. Καὶ ἐκεῖνος μὲν συσχιάξει, πας δὲ ἐπιθυμεῖ ἰδεῖν αὐτόν. “Ὅρα ἀεὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας διαχρονομένους τὴν ἐπάχθειαν τὴν Ἰουδαϊκὴν, καὶ παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον ἀναγχαζομένους πολλάκις ποιεῖν, καὶ προφάτπεις ἐπιζητοῦντας τῆς ἀναδολῆς " οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἀγνοῶν ἀνεδάλετο, ἀλλ᾽ εἰδώς. Ὃ δὲ ᾿Αγρίππας οὐ μόνὸν οὐ διαχρούεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀκοῦσαι βούλεται" ὃ καὶ θαυμάται ἄξιον, πόθεν εἰς ἐπιθυμίαν κατέστη τοῦ βούλεσθαι ἰδεῖν ἄνθρωπον, εἰ καὶ ἀδίκως, ὅμως κατηγορούμενον. Οὕτως ἦν καὶ τοῦτο οἰκονομίας. Διὸ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ται. Καὶ οὐδὲ ἁπλῶς ἀκροᾶται, ἀλλὰ μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς τιμῆς. Τοσαύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν “ οὐ γὰρ ἄν, εἰ μὴ ἐπεθύμησεν, ἐζήτησεν ἂν ἀκοῦσαι, οὐδ᾽ ἂν καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα κοινωνὸν ἐποιήσατο τῆς ἀκροάσεως, εἰ μὴ μεγάλα περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐφαντάζετο. Ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ κἀκείνην τοῦτο ποθῆσαι. Καὶ ὄρα τὸν Παῦλον εὐθέως οὐ περὶ πίστεως μόνον οὐδὲ περὶ ἀφέσεως ἁμαρτημάτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τῶν πρακτέων " διαλεγόμενον. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἴδωμεν ἄνωθεν τὰ εἰρημένα. Τὸ νῦν ἔχον, φησὶ, πορεύου " καιρὸν δὲ 16» δὼν, μεταχαλέσομαί σε. Ὅρα τὴν πώρωσιν" τοιαῦτα ἀκούων, χρήματα προσεδόκα λήψεσθαι παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ. Καὶ οὐ τοῦτο μόνον δεινὸν, ἀλλὰ καὶ διαλεχθεὶς, οὐκ ἀφῆκεν αὐτὸν, ἀλλ' ἐπειδὴ πρὸς τῷ τέλει τῆς ἀρχῆς ἦν, κατέλιπεν αὑτὸν δέσμιον, ἵνα χαρίσηται τοῖς ἴουδαί ις ᾿ ὥστε οὐ χρημάτων ἦρα μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δόξης. Πῶς χρήματα, μιαρὲ, παρὰ ἀνθρώπου τὸ ἐναντίον κηρύττοντος ἐπιζητεῖς; Ὅτι δὲ οὐκ ἔλαδε, δῆλον ἐξ ὧν εἴασε δεδεμένον, λύσας ἂν, εἴπερ ἔλαδε. Περὶ ἐγκρατείας οὗτος διελέγετο, ἐκεῖνο; δὲ χρήματα προσεδόκα λαδεῖν παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ ταῦτα διαλεγομένου. Καὶ αἰτῆσαι μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμα" τοιοῦτον γὰρ ἡ κχαχία, δειλὸν καὶ πάντα ὕποπτεῦον “" ἤλπιζε δέ" ὥστε εἰκότως αὐτοῖς ἐχαρίζετο, ἅτε τοσοῦτον ἄρξας ἐκεῖ. Φῆστος οὖν ἐπιδὰς τῇ ἑπαρχίᾳ" ἐνεφάγισαν αὐτῷ ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν Ἰουδαίων κατὰ Παύλον, φησίν. Εὐθέως καὶ ἐν ἀρχῇ προσῆλθον οἱ ἱερεῖς, οὐκ ἂν ὀχνήσαντε: καὶ εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐλθεῖν, εἰ μὴ ἔφθη ἀνελθὼν, ὅπου γε εὑ- »είᾳ, διατρίθδει δέκα ἡμέρας. Τάχα, δοκῶ, ὥστε ἐγγενέσθαι τοῖς βουλομένοις αὐτὸν διαφθεῖραι. Παῦλος δὲ ἦν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ. Καὶ παρεχάϊλουν αὑτὸν, φησὶν, ὅπως μεταπέμψηται αὑτὸν εἰς Ἱερουσα.ϊήμ. Καὶ διὰ τί χάριν ἤτηταν, εἰ δίκαιός ἐστιν ἀποθανεῖν; ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὕτω κἀκείνῳ δήλη ἐγένετο ἡ ἐπιθουλὴ, ὡς διαλεγόμενον εἰπεῖν" Ἄνδρες οἱ συμπαρόντες, θεωρεῖτε τοῦτον, περὶ οὗ τὸ πλῆθος ἐνέτυχόν μει τῶν Ἰουδαίων. Διὰ γὰρ τοῦ, Ἐγέτυχον, τὸ, Αἰτούμενοι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ χάριν, δηλοῖ. Ὥστε ἤδη ἐδούλοντο αὐτὸν εἰς ἀπόφασιν ἐξενεγκεῖν, φοθδούμενοι τὴν Παύλου γλῶτταν. Τί φοδεῖσθε; τέ ἐπεῖίγετε; Τοῦτο γὰρ ἐμφαίνει τὸ, Φυ.άττεσθαι αὐτόν. Μὴ γὰρ φεύγει; Οἱ οὖν ἐν ὑμῖν, φησὶ, δυνατοὶ κατηγοοεδίτωσαν αὐτοῦ. Πάλιν χατήγορο: ἐν Καισαρείᾳ, καὶ κάλιν ἐξάγεται Παῦλος. Τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον καθίσας, φησὶν, ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος. Υ΄. Ὅρα, εὐθέως ἐλθὼν ἐκάθισεν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος" οὕτως αὐτὸν ὥθουν μετὰ τοσαύτης σπουδῆς, οὕτως ἐπείγουσιν. Ἕως μὲν οὖν οὐδέπω πεῖραν ἦν λαδὼν τῶν Ἰουδαίων, καὶ τῆς τιμῆς τῆς παρ᾽ αὑτῶν, ὀρθῶς ἀπεκχρίνατο" ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐγένετο ἐν τοῖς ἹἹεροσολύμοις, καὶ οὗτος χαρίζετα: αὑτοῖς " οὐκ ἁπλῶς δὲ χαρίζεται, ἀλλὰ μετὰ ἀπάτης τοῦτο ποιεῖ " καὶ ὅπως, ἄχονε" ἐπάγει γάρ" θέλεις εἰς Ιεροσόλυμα ἀγαδὰς, ἐκεῖ περὶ τούτων χρίγεσθαι ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ; ὭὩτεὶι ἔλεγεν Οὐκὶ αὐτοῖς δίδωμέ σε, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς κριτὴς ἔσομαι. Τοῦτο δὲ λέγει, χιὶ αὐτὸν ποιεῖ χύριον, ἵνα τῇ τιμῇ αὐτὸν χαλάσῃ" ἐπειδὴ εἰ ἣν ἀπόφασις, καὶ πάνυ ἀναίσχυντον ἐδόχε:, μηδὲν ἐνταῦθα ἐλεγχθέντα ἐκεῖ θέλειν ἀπάγειν. Ὃ δὲ Παῦλος οὐκ εἶπεν, Οὐ βούλομαι, μή ποτε καὶ σφοδρότερον ποιήσῃ τὸν δικαστὴν, ἀλλὰ πάλιν παῤῥησιάζεται, καί φησιν" Ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος Καίσαρος ἑστώς εἰμι, οὗ με δεῖ κρίνεσθαι. Μεγάλη ἡ παῤῥησία. Καὶ ὅρα πῶς αὐτοὺς συλλογίζεται" μονονουχὶ γὰρ τοῦτο λέγει δι᾽ ὧν ἀπολογεῖται" Ἐξέθαλόν με ἅπαξ αὑτοὶ, καὶ τοῦτο νομίζουσι καταχρίνειν, τῷ δεικνύειν, ὅτι εἰς Καίσχρα ἥμαρτον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ βούλομαι κριθῆναι τοῦ ἢδιχημένου. Οὕτως εἰπὼν, ἐπάγει: Ιουδαίους οὐδὲν ἡἠδίχησα, ὡς καὶ σὺ κάλλιον ἐπιγινώσκεις. Καθήψατο αὐτοῦ λοιπὸν ὡς καὶ χαριζομένου. Εἶτα ἐπεὶ καθήψατο, πάλιν ἐχλύει τὸν λόγον, ἐπάγων " Εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀδικῶ, ἣ ἄξιόν τι θανάτου πέπραχα, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθωγεῖν, κατ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ τὴν ψῆφον ἐχφέρω, φησίν. Τοῦτο οὐ θανατῶντος;, ἀλλὰ σφόδρα θαῤῥοῦντός ἐστιν, οἷς ἐλάλει - μετὰ γὰρ τῆς παῤῥησίας καὶ τὴν δικαιολογίαν εἶναι δεῖ, ὥστε ἐντρέψαι. Εἰ δὲ οὐδέν ἐστιν ὧν κατηγὸροῦσίὶ μου, οὐδείς με δύναται χαρίσασθαι. Κἂν θέλῃ, φησὶν, οὐ δυνήσεται. Οὐκ εἶπεν, Οὐκ ἄξιός εἰμι ἀποθανεῖν, οὐδὲ, ᾿Απολυθῆναι, ἀλλ᾽, Ἕτοιμος κρίνεσθαι ἐπὶ Καίσαρος" ἅμα καὶ τοῦ ὀνείρατος μνησθεὶς, μᾶλλον ἐθάῤῥησεν ἐπικαλέσασθαι. Καὶ οὐκ εἶπε, Σὺ, ἀλλ᾽, Οὐδείς " καὶ προσέθηκε, Καίσαρα ἐπικαλοῦμαι, ὥστε μὴ εἶναι εἰς ἐκεῖνον τὴν ὕδριν. Τότε ὁ Φῆστος σας μετὰ τοῦ συμθδουίου, ἀπεκρίθη " Καίσαρα ἐπιχέχιησαι" ἐπὶ Καίσαρα πορεύσῃ. Εἶδες πῶς χαρίζεται; Τοῦτο γὰρ χάρις ἐστὶ, τὸ συλλαλεῖν μετὰ τῶν κατηγόρων, ὃ διεφθαρμένης γνώμης ἐστὶ, καὶ συγχεούσῆς τὴν τάξιν. “Ὅρα πάλιν ἐχτεινομένην αὐτοῦ τὴν δίκὴν, καὶ τὴν ἐπιθουλὴν ἀφορμὴν τοῦ κηρύγματος γινομένην. Ταῦτα γὰρ οἰκονομεῖται, ὥστε μετὰ εὐκολίας καὶ φυλακῆς “ἀπενεχθῆναι αὐτὸν εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα ὑπὸ μηδενὸς ἐπιδουλευόμενον- οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἴσον ἁπλῶς παραγενέτθαι, καὶ ἐπὶ αἰτίᾳ τοιαύτη. Τοῦτο καὶ συνελθεῖν ἐποίησεν Ἰουδαίους ἐκεῖ. Εἶτα πάλιν χρόνος γίνεται ἐνδιατρίδοντος αὑτοῦ τοῖς Ἱεροπολύμοις, ἵνα μάθῃς, ὅτι καὶ χρόνου γενομένον, οὐδὲν τὰ τῆς ἐπιθουλῆς αὐτῷ ἰσχύει, τοῦ Θεοῦ μὴ συγχωροῦντος. Ἀγρίππας δὲ οὗτος ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Βερνίκη κατήγτησαν εἰς Καισάρειαν. Οὗτος ὁ ᾿Αγρίππας ὁ καὶ Ἡρώδης, ἕτερός μοι δοκεῖ, ὡς εἶναι τέταρτον τοῦτον μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐπὶ Ἰαχώθου. ρα τοὺς ἐχθροὺς συμπράττοντας ἄκοντας. “Ὥστε δὲ μέγα γενέσθαι τὸ ἀκροατήριον, εἰς ἐπιθυμίαν ἐνέπεσεν ὁ ᾿Αγρίππας τῆς ἀκροάσεως" καὶ οὐκ ἀπλῶς ἀκούει, ἀλλὰ “ετὰ παρασκευῆς. Καὶ ἴδε τὴν ἀτολογίαν, ἣν ὁ ἄρχων φησί" Καὶ αὑτοῦ δὲ τούτου ἐκςτικαεσαμέγου τὸν Σεδαστὸν, ἔκρινα πέμπειν αὐτὸν, περὶ οὗ ἀσφαιές τι τῷ κυρίῳ γράψαι οὐκ ἔχω. Οὕτω γράφει ὁ Φῆστος, καὶ ἐχπομπεύεται ἡ ὠμότης ἢ Ἰουδαϊκη" ὅταν γὰρ ταῦτα ὁ ἄρχων λέγῃ, ἀνύποπτός ἐστι. Διὰ τοῦτο δὲ λέγει, ὥστε καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ χαταγνωσῦξναι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους" μετὰ δὲ τὸ πάντας αὐτῶν καταψηφίσασθαι, τότε ἐπόγει τὴν κόλασιν ὁ Θεός. Σκόπει δέ " κατέγνω Λυσίας, κατέγνω Φῆλιξ, κατέγνω Φῆστος καὶ οἱ χαριζόμενοι αὖτοῖς, κατέγνω ᾿Αγρίππας. Τί λοιπόν; Κατέγνωσαν αὐὖτῶν καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι!. Καὶ ὅτι κατέγνω, ἄκουε αὐτοῦ λέγοντος " Οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν ἐπέρερον ὧν ὑπενόουν ἐγώ. Καὶ μὴν ἤνεγκαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἤλεγξαν" ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἐπιθουλὴ καὶ τὸ τόλμημα, τοῦτο ὑποπτεύειν ἐδίδου, ἡ δὲ ἐξέτασις οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον. Καὶ περί τινος, φησὶν, ᾿Ιησοῦ τεθνηκότος. Εἰκότως Περί τιγος λέγει, ἅτε ἄνθρωπος ἐν ἀρχῇ ὧν, καὶ τούτων οὐ φροντίζων. ᾿Απὸ ταύτης τῆς αἰτίας καὶ τὸ, Ἀπορούμεγος ἐγὼ, εἶπεν, εἰς τὴν περὶ τούτων ἐξέτασιν. αὶ γὰρ ὄντως τοιούτου δικαστοῦ ὑπερέδαινεν ἀκοὰς ἡ τῶν τοιούτων ζήτησις. Καὶ εἰ ἐν ἀπορίᾳ εἴ, τί εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἕλχεις; Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Παῦλος οὐκ ἀξιῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κρίνεσθαι, Καίσαρα ἐπικαλεῖται, λέγων " ᾽Επὶ τοῦ βήματος Καίσαρος ἑστώς εἰμι, οὗ με δεῖ κρίνεσθαι" καὶ γὰρ περὶ τούτου ἐνεκάλουν. ᾿Ακούεις ἔφεσιν; ἀκούεις ἐπιδουλὴν Ἰουδαίων ἢ ἀκούεις στάσιν;

Hora, anachoinoutai tǭ ᾿Agrippąą, hōste kai heterous Hyenesthai palin akroatas, kai ton basilea, kai ton straton, kai tēn Bernichēn. Eita de palin apologia. Hēmerōn de diagenomenōn, ᾿Agriachpas ho basileus kai Bernikē katēgtēsan heis Kaisareian haspasomenoi ton Phēston. Hōs de pileious hēmeras dietrioon echai, ho Phēstos tǭ basi.iei anetheto ta kata ton Paulon,.egōn" Hagēr tis esti hypo Phēilikos desmios " peri hou, gegomegou mou eis Hierosolyma. enephanisan hoi archiereis kai hoi presdyxeroi tōn Ioudaiōn, aitoumenoi kat᾽ autou dikēn. Pros hous apechrithēn, hoti Ouk estin ethos Rōmaiois charizesthai tina anthrōpon eis apōleian, prin hē ho pnatēgoroumenos kata prosōpon echoi tous katēgorhous, topon te apoilogias.1adoi peri tou enklēma- ᾿ dos. Synelthontōn oun autōn enthade, anadolēn. mēdemian poiēsamenos, tę̄ hexēs kathisas epi tou bēmatos, ekeleusa achthēnai ton agdra. Peri hou stathentes hoi katēgoroi oudemian aitian hepepheron, hōn hypenooun egō" zētēmata de tina peri tēs idias deisidaimoniōs eichon pros auton, kai peri tinos Iēsou tethnēkotos, hon ephasken ho Paulos zę̄n. Aporoumdenos de egō peri tēn toutou zētēsin, elegon, ei bouloito poreuesthai eis kakei krinesthai peri toutōn. Tou de Paunlou epikalesamegou tērēthēnai auton eis tēn tou Sedastou diagnōsin, ekeleusa tēreisthai auton, heōs an pempsō auton pros Kaisara. ᾿Agrippas de proï ton Phēston ephē" Hethoulomēn kai autos tou anthrōpou akousai. Ho de, Aurion, phēsin, akousę̄ autou. Hora katēgorian Ioudaiōn palin, ou para tou Paulon, alla para tou archontos. Egephanisan, phēsin, hoi archiereis kai hoi presdyteroi tōn ᾿Ioudaiōn, aitoumenoi kat᾽ hautou dikēn. Pros ous egō apekrithēn. Hora kai ti apochrinetai eis aischynēn autōn" hoti Ouk estin ethos Rhōmaiois charizesthai tina anthrōpon eis apōleian" toutesti, prin hē logo) hautǭ metadounai adynaton to charizesthai haplōs. Kata to eiōthos de poiēsas, ouk euren aikian" hothen kai aporeita: epi toutǭ, Kai dēlon touto di᾿ hōn epēgage, legōn’ ᾿Aporoumenos de egō peri tēn toutōn zētēsin. Houtōs eipe, syskiaxōn to oikeion hamartēma. Kai ekeinos men syschiaxei, pas de epithymei idein auton. “Hora aei tous archontas diachronomenous tēn epachtheian tēn Ioudaïkēn, kai para to dikaion ananchazomenous pollakis poiein, kai prophatpeis epizētountas tēs anadolēs " ou gar dē agnoōn anedaleto, all᾽ eidōs. Ho de ᾿Agrippas ou monon ou diachrouetai, alla kai akousai bouletai" ho kai thaumatai axion, pothen eis epithymian katestē tou boulesthai idein anthrōpon, ei kai adikōs, homōs katēgoroumenon. Houtōs ēn kai touto oikonomias. Dio kai hē gynē tai. Kai oude haplōs akroatai, alla meta pollēs tēs timēs. Tosautēn esche tēn epithymian “ ou gar an, ei mē epethymēsen, ezētēsen an akousai, oud᾽ an kai tēn gynaika koinōnon epoiēsato tēs akroaseōs, ei mē megala peri autou ephantazeto. Emoi de dokei kakeinēn touto pothēsai. Kai ora ton Paulon eutheōs ou peri pisteōs monon oude peri apheseōs hamartēmatōn, alla kai peri tōn prakteōn " dialegomenon. ᾿All᾽ idōmen anōthen ta eirēmena. To nyn echon, phēsi, poreuou " kairon de 16» dōn, metachalesomai se. Hora tēn pōrōsin" toiauta akouōn, chrēmata prosedoka lēpsesthai par᾽ hautou. Kai ou touto monon deinon, alla kai dialechtheis, ouk aphēken auton, all' epeidē pros tǭ telei tēs archēs ēn, katelipen hauton desmion, hina charisētai tois ioudai is ᾿ hōste ou chrēmatōn ēra monon, alla kai doxēs. Pōs chrēmata, miare, para anthrōpou to enantion kēryttontos epizēteis? Hoti de ouk elade, dēlon ex hōn eiase dedemenon, lysas an, eiper elade. Peri enkrateias houtos dielegeto, ekeino? de chrēmata prosedoka ladein par᾽ hautou tauta dialegomenou. Kai aitēsai men ouk etolma" toiouton gar hē kchachia, deilon kai panta hypopteuon “" ēlpize de" hōste eikotōs autois echarizeto, hate tosouton arxas ekei. Phēstos oun epidas tę̄ heparchią" enephagisan autǭ ho te archiereus kai hoi prōtoi tōn Ioudaiōn kata Paulon, phēsin. Eutheōs kai en archę̄ prosēlthon hoi hiereis, ouk an ochnēsante: kai eis Kaisareian elthein, ei mē ephthē anelthōn, hopou ge heu- »eią, diatrithdei deka hēmeras. Tacha, dokō, hōste engenesthai tois boulomenois auton diaphtheirai. Paulos de ēn en tǭ desmōtēriǭ. Kai parechaïloun hauton, phēsin, hopōs metapempsētai hauton eis Hierousa.ïēm. Kai dia ti charin ētētan, ei dikaios estin apothanein? ᾿All᾽ houtō kakeinǭ dēlē egeneto hē epithoulē, hōs dialegomenon eipein" Andres hoi symparontes, theōreite touton, peri hou to plēthos enetychon mei tōn Ioudaiōn. Dia gar tou, Egetychon, to, Aitoumenoi kat᾽ autou charin, dēloi. Hōste ēdē edoulonto auton eis apophasin exenenkein, phothdoumenoi tēn Paulou glōttan. Ti phodeisthe? te epeiigete? Touto gar emphainei to, Phy.attesthai auton. Mē gar pheugei? Hoi oun en hymin, phēsi, dynatoi katēgooeditōsan autou. Palin chatēgoro: en Kaisareią, kai kalin exagetai Paulos. Tę̄ de epaurion kathisas, phēsin, epi tou bēmatos. Y΄. Hora, eutheōs elthōn ekathisen epi tou bēmatos" houtōs auton hōthoun meta tosautēs spoudēs, houtōs epeigousin. Heōs men oun oudepō peiran ēn ladōn tōn Ioudaiōn, kai tēs timēs tēs par᾽ hautōn, orthōs apekchrinato" epeidē de egeneto en tois HiIerosolymois, kai houtos charizeta: hautois " ouk haplōs de charizetai, alla meta apatēs touto poiei " kai hopōs, achone" epagei gar" theleis eis Ierosolyma agadas, ekei peri toutōn chrigesthai hyper emou? HōŌteii elegen Ouki autois didōme se, all᾽ autos kritēs esomai. Touto de legei, chii auton poiei chyrion, hina tę̄ timę̄ auton chalasę̄" epeidē ei hēn apophasis, kai pany anaischynton edoche:, mēden entautha elenchthenta ekei thelein apagein. Ho de Paulos ouk eipen, Ou boulomai, mē pote kai sphodroteron poiēsę̄ ton dikastēn, alla palin parrhēsiazetai, kai phēsin" Epi tou bēmatos Kaisaros hestōs eimi, hou me dei krinesthai. Megalē hē parrhēsia. Kai hora pōs autous syllogizetai" mononouchi gar touto legei di᾽ hōn apologeitai" Exethalon me hapax hautoi, kai touto nomizousi katachrinein, tǭ deiknyein, hoti eis Kaischra hēmarton ep᾽ autou boulomai krithēnai tou ēdichēmenou. Houtōs eipōn, epagei: Ioudaious ouden hēēdichēsa, hōs kai sy kallion epiginōskeis. Kathēpsato autou loipon hōs kai charizomenou. Eita epei kathēpsato, palin echlyei ton logon, epagōn " Ei men oun adikō, hē axion ti thanatou pepracha, ou paraitoumai to apothōgein, kat᾽ emautou tēn psēphon echpherō, phēsin. Touto ou thanatōntos?, alla sphodra tharrhountos estin, hois elalei - meta gar tēs parrhēsias kai tēn dikaiologian einai dei, hōste entrepsai. Ei de ouden estin hōn katēgorousii mou, oudeis me dynatai charisasthai. Kan thelę̄, phēsin, ou dynēsetai. Ouk eipen, Ouk axios eimi apothanein, oude, ᾿Apolythēnai, all᾽, Hetoimos krinesthai epi Kaisaros" hama kai tou oneiratos mnēstheis, mallon etharrhēsen epikalesasthai. Kai ouk eipe, Sy, all᾽, Oudeis " kai prosethēke, Kaisara epikaloumai, hōste mē einai eis ekeinon tēn hydrin. Tote ho Phēstos sas meta tou symthdouiou, apekrithē " Kaisara epichechiēsai" epi Kaisara poreusę̄. Eides pōs charizetai? Touto gar charis esti, to syllalein meta tōn katēgorōn, ho diephtharmenēs gnōmēs esti, kai syncheousēs tēn taxin. “Hora palin echteinomenēn autou tēn dikēn, kai tēn epithoulēn aphormēn tou kērygmatos ginomenēn. Tauta gar oikonomeitai, hōste meta eukolias kai phylakēs “apenechthēnai auton eis ta Hierosolyma hypo mēdenos epidouleuomenon- ou gar ēn ison haplōs paragenetthai, kai epi aitią toiautē. Touto kai synelthein epoiēsen Ioudaious ekei. Eita palin chronos ginetai endiatridontos hautou tois Hieropolymois, hina mathę̄s, hoti kai chronou genomenon, ouden ta tēs epithoulēs autǭ ischyei, tou Theou mē synchōrountos. Agrippas de houtos ho basileus kai Bernikē katēgtēsan eis Kaisareian. Houtos ho ᾿Agrippas ho kai Hērōdēs, heteros moi dokei, hōs einai tetarton touton met᾽ ekeinon ton epi Iachōthou. ra tous echthrous symprattontas akontas. “Hōste de mega genesthai to akroatērion, eis epithymian enepesen ho ᾿Agrippas tēs akroaseōs" kai ouk aplōs akouei, alla “eta paraskeuēs. Kai ide tēn atologian, hēn ho archōn phēsi" Kai hautou de toutou ekstikaesamegou ton Sedaston, ekrina pempein auton, peri hou asphaies ti tǭ kyriǭ grapsai ouk echō. Houtō graphei ho Phēstos, kai echpompeuetai hē ōmotēs ē Ioudaïkē" hotan gar tauta ho archōn legę̄, anypoptos esti. Dia touto de legei, hōste kai par᾽ autou chatagnōsyxnai tous Ioudaious" meta de to pantas autōn katapsēphisasthai, tote epogei tēn kolasin ho Theos. Skopei de " kategnō Lysias, kategnō Phēlix, kategnō Phēstos kai hoi charizomenoi autois, kategnō ᾿Agrippas. Ti loipon? Kategnōsan auytōn kai hoi Pharisaioi!. Kai hoti kategnō, akoue autou legontos " Oudemian aitian epereron hōn hypenooun egō. Kai mēn ēnenkan, all᾽ ouk ēlenxan" hē men gar epithoulē kai to tolmēma, touto hypopteuein edidou, hē de exetasis ouden toiouton. Kai peri tinos, phēsin, ᾿Iēsou tethnēkotos. Eikotōs Peri tigos legei, hate anthrōpos en archę̄ hōn, kai toutōn ou phrontizōn. ᾿Apo tautēs tēs aitias kai to, Aporoumegos egō, eipen, eis tēn peri toutōn exetasin. ai gar ontōs toioutou dikastou hyperedainen akoas hē tōn toioutōn zētēsis. Kai ei en aporią ei, ti eis Hierosolyma helcheis? Dia touto kai Paulos ouk axiōn hyp᾽ autou krinesthai, Kaisara epikaleitai, legōn " ᾽Epi tou bēmatos Kaisaros hestōs eimi, hou me dei krinesthai" kai gar peri toutou enekaloun. ᾿Akoueis ephesin? akoueis epidoulēn Ioudaiōn ē akoueis stasin?

See: he consults with Agrippa, so that others might again become hearers, both the king and the army and Bernice. Then there is a defense again. “After some days had passed, Agrippa the king and Bernice arrived at Caesarea to greet Festus. And as they stayed there many days, Festus laid Paul’s case before the king, saying, ‘There is a man left a prisoner by Felix; and when I was in Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews laid information about him, asking for a sentence against him. I answered them that it is not the custom of the Romans to give up anyone to destruction before the accused has met his accusers face to face and had opportunity to make his defense concerning the charge. So when they came together here, I made no delay, but on the next day took my seat on the tribunal and ordered the man to be brought. When the accusers stood up, they brought no charge of the evils I suspected; but they had certain points of dispute with him about their own religion and about a certain Jesus, who had died, whom Paul asserted to be alive. Being at a loss how to investigate these questions, I asked whether he wished to go to [Jerusalem] and be tried there on these matters. But when Paul appealed to be kept for the decision of the emperor, I ordered him to be kept until I could send him to Caesar.’ And Agrippa said to Festus, ‘I should like to hear the man myself.’ ‘Tomorrow,’ he said, ‘you shall hear him.’” See an accusation of the Jews again, not from Paul but from the ruler. “The chief priests and the elders of the Jews,” he says, “laid information, asking for a sentence against him. I answered them.” See what he answers, to their shame: “It is not the custom of the Romans to give up anyone to destruction,” that is, before giving him a hearing it is impossible simply to give him up. And having acted according to custom, he found no cause; hence he is at a loss about it. And this is clear from what he went on to say: “Being at a loss how to investigate these questions.” He spoke so, to cover up his own fault. And he covers it up, but [Agrip]pa wants to see him. See how the rulers always try to put off the Jews’ importunity, and are often forced to act against justice, and look for pretexts for delay; for he did not put it off out of ignorance, but knowingly. But Agrippa not only does not put it off, but even wants to hear him; which is also worth wondering at: how did he come to want to see a man who was accused, even if unjustly? So this too was of dispensation. That is why his wife too … And he does not simply hear him, but with great honor. So great was his desire; for if he had not desired it, he would not have sought to hear him, nor would he have made his wife a partner in the hearing, unless he had imagined great things about him. And it seems to me that she too longed for this. And see Paul at once discoursing not only about faith or the forgiveness of sins, but also about what must be done.

But let us look at what was said from the beginning. “For the present go,” he says; “when I find an opportunity I will summon you.” See the hardness: hearing such things, he expected to receive money from him. And this was not the only terrible thing, but after conversing with him he did not release him; but since he was at the end of his term of office, he left him a prisoner, so as to do the Jews a favor; so he was a lover not only of money but also of glory. How, you defiled man, do you seek money from a man who preaches the opposite? And that he did not receive it is clear from his leaving him in bonds; he would have released him if he had received it. This man discoursed about self-control, and that one expected to receive money from him while he discoursed on these things. And he did not dare to ask; for such is wickedness, cowardly and suspicious of everything; but he hoped; so it was fitting that he did them a favor, having ruled there so long. “So Festus, having arrived in the province, … the chief priest and the leading men of the Jews laid information before him against Paul,” it says. At once, at the very beginning, the priests came forward, and would not have hesitated to come to Caesarea too, if he had not gone up first; since … he spends ten days. Perhaps, I think, so as to give an opening to those who wanted to destroy him. Paul was in prison. “And they urged him,” it says, “to summon him to Jerusalem.” And why did they ask a favor, if it was just that he should die? But so the plot became clear to Festus too, so that in speaking he said, “Men who are present with us, you see this man about whom the whole Jewish people petitioned me.” For by “petitioned” he shows “asking a favor against him.” So they already wanted to bring him to sentence, fearing Paul’s tongue. What do you fear? Why do you hurry? For this is what “that he was being kept” shows. Was he going to run away? “Let those of you who have authority,” he says, “accuse him.” Again accusers in Caesarea, and again Paul is brought out. “And the next day he took his seat,” it says, “on the tribunal.” See: as soon as he arrived he took his seat on the tribunal; so hard did they push him, with such eagerness; so they press on. As long, then, as he had not yet had experience of the Jews and of the honor they paid, he answered rightly; but once he was in Jerusalem, this man too does them a favor; and not simply does them a favor, but does it with deceit; and how, hear; for it goes on: “Do you wish to go up to Jerusalem and be tried on these charges there before me?” As if he were saying: I am not handing you over to them, but I myself will be judge. And he says this and makes him master of the decision, so as to entice him by the honor; since the sentence was his, and it would have seemed quite shameless to want to take him there when nothing had been proved here. But Paul did not say, “I do not want to,” lest he make the judge harsher, but again he speaks boldly and says, “I am standing before Caesar’s tribunal, where I ought to be tried.” Great boldness. And see how he reasons against them; for by his defense he almost says this: They cast me out once, and they think to condemn me by this, by showing that I sinned against Caesar; I want to be tried before the very one who has been wronged. Having said this, he goes on: “I have done no wrong to the Jews, as you yourself know very well.” He now takes him to task as one doing them a favor. Then, having taken him to task, he again softens his speech, adding: “If then I am a wrongdoer, or have done anything worthy of death, I do not refuse to die”: I pass sentence on myself, he says. This is not the part of one courting death, but of one very confident in what he was saying; for together with boldness there must also be the plea of justice, so as to move him. “But if there is nothing in their charges against me, no one can give me up to them.” Even if he wants to, he says, he will not be able. He did not say, “I do not deserve to die,” or “to be released,” but “I am ready to be tried before Caesar”; at the same time, remembering the dream, he had more courage to appeal. And he did not say “you,” but “no one”; and he added, “I appeal to Caesar,” so that the insult might not be directed at Festus. “Then Festus, having conferred with his council, answered, ‘You have appealed to Caesar; to Caesar you shall go.’” Did you see how he does them a favor? For this is a favor: to confer with the accusers, which belongs to a corrupt mind and one that confounds due order. See his trial prolonged again, and the plot becoming an occasion for the preaching. For these things are arranged so that he might be carried off [to Rome] easily and under guard, plotted against by no one; for it was not the same to arrive simply, and on such a charge. This also made the Jews gather there. Then again time passes as he lingers in Jerusalem, so that you may learn that, even when time has passed, the plot has no power against him, since God does not permit it. “Agrippa the king and Bernice arrived at Caesarea.” This Agrippa, who is also Herod, seems to me to be another, so that he is the fourth after that one in the time of James. See the enemies working with him against their will. So that the audience might become great, Agrippa fell into a desire for the hearing; and he does not simply hear, but with preparation. And see the defense that the ruler makes: “And since he himself appealed to the emperor, I decided to send him; about whom I have nothing definite to write to my lord.” So Festus writes, and the cruelty of the Jews is exposed; for when the ruler says these things he is above suspicion. And he says this so that the Jews might be condemned by him too; and after all had voted against them, then God brings on the punishment. Consider: Lysias condemned them, Felix condemned them, Festus, even while doing them favors, condemned them, Agrippa condemned them. What more? The Pharisees too condemned them. And that he condemned them, hear him saying: “They brought no charge of the evils I suspected.” And yet they did bring charges, but did not prove them; for the plot and the daring gave grounds for suspicion, but the examination found nothing of the kind. “And about a certain Jesus,” he says, “who had died.” He fittingly says “a certain,” as a man in office and not caring about such things. For this reason he also said, “Being at a loss how to investigate these questions.” For truly the inquiry into such things went beyond the hearing of such a judge. And if you are at a loss, why do you drag him to Jerusalem? That is why Paul too, not consenting to be tried by him, appeals to Caesar, saying, “I am standing before Caesar’s tribunal, where I ought to be tried”; for they were accusing him about this. Do you hear of an appeal? Do you hear of a plot of the Jews, or do you hear of a riot?

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Acts 25:13 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:14 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:15 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:16 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:17 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:18 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:19 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:20 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:21 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:22 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 24:25 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:2 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:3 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:4 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:5 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:6 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:9 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:10 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:11 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:12 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:24 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 25:26 (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 12:1 (allusion, medium confidence) · Acts 23:11 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Chrysostom explains Festus’s consultation with Agrippa and Bernice, exposes the motives of Felix and Festus in favoring the Jews, and shows that every official in turn found Paul innocent while his appeal to Caesar opened the way to Rome.

  • Lemmas: Acts 25:13–22, with a recapitulation of Acts 24:25–25:21 and 25:24–26. The staging notes that the numeral of Migne’s section 3 was lost, so this ref contains Migne’s sections 2–3. Gaps in the scan are marked “…” or bracketed: Acts 25:20 (“to Jerusalem”), after “his wife too”, after “since” (perhaps where Festus stayed), and in “[Agrip]pa”.
  • “This Agrippa … the fourth after that one in the time of James”: Chrysostom distinguishes Agrippa II from Herod Agrippa I of Acts 12; translated as written.
  • “Remembering the dream”: the night vision of Acts 23:11.
  • “[To Rome]”: the printed text has “to Jerusalem” (εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα), which does not fit the sense; Rome is meant.
  • Polemic: “you defiled man” (to Felix) and the statements about the Jews’ cruelty and condemnation are Chrysostom’s; translated as written.
  • A long passage of Latin and footnote debris before “Ἰουδαίων” and stray marks were removed.
  • “Since the sentence was his”: the scan reads εἰ ἦν ἀπόφασις (“if it had been a sentence”); the sense requires that the decision lay with Festus.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (long Latin and footnote debris; stray letter; stray numerals): Καὶ δῆλον δ, τοῦτο → Καὶ δῆλον τοῦτο; λαδὼν τῶν 5» Ουϊδεπη τῶν πρακτικῶν. “ φς, δειλὸν καὶ πόντα ὕποδ "00 ἰωνεοδ : ἡνᾶγο ᾿ς ἰδ γὰ διϑ'διται ἢ ὦἱ ᾿ανϊ δοι δεν ἐπι. Ἀυγαπηι Δοσιιδιίογοβ Ὁ ϑάγρα, οἱ δῦ πο αυ6 δ νι, δε ουπὶ ἀρραγαία. Εἰ νἱο ἀοίοιδ [1 οἱ μοῦ ἀεί. Εσςα ἰ6πΕ θοῦ οἱ πιῶσπα 0118. ἴῃ) ἸαγΓδ πιο ἰφἀμ!,, δῖ. μδ6 οι Ο ποι ΐηθηι. → λαδὼν τῶν ; μετὰ κ ἀπάτης → μετὰ ἀπάτης; ἐνέπεσεν 1884] ὁ → ἐνέπεσεν ὁ; λέγει Ρ, → λέγει,; αἰτίας ς καὶ → αἰτίας καὶ.

Cite (SBL): Chrysostom, Hom. Act. 51.2 (PG 60:316; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/chrysostom-hom-acta/51-2). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Greek as printed in Migne PG 60 (archive.org OCR); each batch then compared with NPNF1 11.

51.4PG 60:316

Ταῦτα πάντα τὸν ᾿Αγρίππαν εἰς ἐπιθυαίαν ἐξήγειρεν ἀκούοντα. Καὶ δίδωσιν ὁ Φῆστος τὴν χάριν, καὶ γίνετας λοιπὸν λαμπρότερος ὁ Παῦλος. Τοιαῦτα, ὅπερ ἔφην, αἱ ἐπιδουλαὶ προεξένησαν. Εἰ μὴ ταῦτα ἦν, οὐδεὶς ἂν τούτῶν κατηξίωσεν ἀκοῦσαι αὐτοῦ τῶν ἀρχόντων, οὐδεὶς ἂν μετὰ τοσαύτης ἡσυχίας καὶ σιγῆς. Καὶ δοκεῖ μὲν διδάτχειν καὶ ἀπολογεῖσθαι, δημηγορεῖ δὲ μᾶλλον μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς εὐταξίας. Μὴ δὴ χαλεπόν τι πρᾶγμα νομίσωμεν τὰς ἐπ'- «δουλάς. “ἕως ἂν ἑσυτοῖς μὴ ἐπιδουλεύωμεν, οὐδεὶς ἡμῖν ἐπιδουλεῦσαι δυνήσεται" μᾶλλον δὲ ἐπιθουλεύουσι μὲν, οὐδὲν δὲ βλάπτουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὠφελοῦσιν ἡμᾶς τὰ μέγιστα ὥστε ἡμεῖς ἑαυτῶν κύριοι καὶ τοῦ παθεῖν κακῶς καὶ τοῦ μὴ παθεῖν. Ἰδοὺ διαμαρτύρομαι καὶ μεγάλῃ λέγω τῇ φωνῇ καὶ σάλπιγγος τρανότερον, καὶ εἰ ἣν ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλοῦ ἀναδάντα βοῆσαι, οὐκ ἂν πσρῃτησάμην, ὅτε τὸν Χριστιανὸν οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπων τῶν οἐχούντων τὴν γῆν βλάψαι δυνήσεται. Καὶ τί λέγω, ἀνθρώπων; Οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ὁ δαίμων, ὁ τύραννος, ὁ διάδηλος, ἂν μὴ αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀδι-χήσῃ κἂν ὁτιοῦν τις ἡμᾶς κακὸν ἐργάσασθαι βουληθῇ, μάτην πειράσεται. Ὥσπερ γὰρ ἄγγελον οὐδεὶς ἂν βλάψειεν ἐπὶ γῆς ὄντα ἄνθρωπον, οὐδὲ οὕτως ἄνθρωπος ἄνθρωπον. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐδὲ αὐτὸ; ἕτερον βλάψαι δυνήσεται, ἕως ἂν ἧ ἀγαθός. Τί οὖν ἂν τούτον γένοιτο ἴσον, ὅταν μήτε βλαθῆναι δύνηται, μήτε βλάψαι ἕτερον; Τοῦτο γὰρ ἐκείνον οὐκ ἔλαττον, τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι βλάπτειν ἕτερον. Αρα ἄγγελός τίς ἐστι καὶ ϑεῷ ὅμοιος. Τοιοῦτος γὰρ καὶ ὁ Θεός" ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνος μὲν φύσει, οὗτος δὲ προαιρέσει. Οὔτε οὖν βλαδῆναι δύναται, οὔτε βλάψαι ἕτερον. Τὸ δὲ, οὐ δύναται, -μὴ ἀδυναμίας νομίσῃς (τοὐναντίον γὰρ ἀδυναμία)" ἀλλὰ τὸ ἀνένδεκτον λέγω. Ἡ γὰρ φύτις ἐκέίνη οὔτε βλάδης ἐστὶ δεκτικὴ, οὔτε τοῦ ἀδικεῖν ἕτερον" ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτο ἑτέρα βλάδη. ΓΑλλως γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς οὐ βλάπτομεν, ἣ τῷ βλάπτειν ἕτερον, καὶ «τὰ μείζονα τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων ἡμῶν ἐκ τῆς εἰς ἡμᾶς ἀδικίας οὕτω γίνεται. Ὥστε καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὁ Χριστιανὸς οὐ δύναται βλάπτεσθαι, ὅτι οὐδὲ βλάπτειν δύναται. Πῶς δὲ ἑτέρους βλάπτοντες ἑαυτοὺς βλάπτομεν, φέρε καθ᾽ ἕχαστον τῶν πραγμάτων προχειρισάμενηι τὸν λόγον γυμνάσωμεν τὸ λεγόμενον. Ψεν οὗτος; οὐκ ἑαυτὸν πρότερον; Παντί που δῆλον. Τῷ μὲν γὰρ εἰς χρήματα ἣ ζημία, αὐτῷ δὲ εἰς ψυχήν" καὶ γὰρ εἰς ἀπώλειαν καὶ εἰς: κόλασιν παραδίδοται τοῦ τοιούτου ἡ ψυχῆ. Πάλιν φθονεέίτω ἕτερος τίνα οὖν ὁ τοιοῦτος ἠδίκησεν; οὐκ ἑαυτὸν, εἶπέ μοι; Τοιαύτη γὰρ ἡ τῆς ἀδικίας φύσις" τὸν τίχτοντα πρῶτον βλάπτει μυρία, μικρὰ δὲ ἕτερον, μᾶλλον δὲ οὐδὲ μικρὸν βλάπτει, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὠφελεῖ. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀξιόπιπτον εἴρηκα. Ἔστω τοίνυν (μάλιστα γὰρ ἐν τούτοις ἐστὶ τὸ πᾶν) πένης χρήματα ἔχων ὀλίγα καὶ τῆς ἀναγκαίας εὐπορῶν τροφῆς, ἕτερος δὲ πλούσιος καὶ εὔπορος καὶ πολλὴν ἔχων δύναμιν, καὶ λαμθανέτω τὰ τοῦ πένητος λοιπὸν καὶ γυμνὸν ποιείτω καὶ παραδιδότω λιμῷ, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐντρυ φάτω τοῖς ἐξ ἐχείνου ληφθεῖσιν ἀδίκω-" ὁ τοιοῦτος οὐ μόνον οὐδὲν αὐτὸν ἔδλαψεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὠφέλησεν, ἑαυτὸν δὲ οὐ μόνον οὐκ ὠφέλησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔθλαψε. Πῶς; Πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ συνειδότος μαστιζόμενος τοῦ πονηροῦ, καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν χεντούμενο:, καὶ παρὰ πάντων χαταγινωσχόμενος" ἔπειτα ἐν τῷ μέλγοντι κρίματι. ᾿Αλλ' ὅτι μὲν οὗτος βλάπτεται, δῆλον ἐντεῦθεν κατέστη" πῶς δὲ ὠφελεῖται ἐκεῖνος, εἰπέ. Ὅτι τὸ κακῶς παθεῖν καὶ φέρειν γενναίως, μέγα κέρδος ἔχει" ἔστι γὰρ ἀμαρτημάτων λύσις τὸ παθεῖν κακῶς, ἔστι φιλοσοφίας γυμνάσιον, ἔστι" ἀρετῆς διδασκαλία. Ἴξωμεν οὖν τίςὲν κακοῖς, οὗτος ἢ ἐκεῖνο;. ᾿Εκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ ἂν ἡ φιλόσοφος, γενναίως οἴσει" οὗτος δὲ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐν τρόμῳ ἔσται καὶ ὑποψίᾳ" τίς οὖν ἀδικεῖται, οὗτος ἣ ἐκεῖνος; Μύθους λέγεις, φησίν “ὅταν γάρ τις μὴ ἔχῃ τεῖν, ἢ προσελθὼν ἐπαιτεῖν καὶ μὴ λάδῃ, οὐκὶ καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ τὸ σῶμα προσαπολλύει; Μύθους σὺ λέγεις " ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐπιδεικνύω πράγματα. Εἰπὲ γάρ μοι, οὐδεὶς; τῶν πλουτούντων ἀποδυσπετεῖ; Τί οὖν; μὴ ἡ πενία αἰτία τούτου; ᾿Αλλὰ οὐ λιμώττει; Καὶ τί τοῦτο; Μείζων ἡ δίκη, ὅταν μετὰ πλούτου τοῦτο ποιῇ. Οὔτε γὰρ πλοῦτος γενναῖον ποιεῖ, οὔτε ἀσθενῆ πενία" ἐπεὶ οὐδεὶς ἂν τῶν ἐν πλούτῳ ζώντων μοχθηρὸν ἔζη βίον, οὐδ' ἂν ἑαυτῷ κατηράσατο οὐδεὶς τῶν ἐν πενίᾳ. Ὅτε δὲ ὄντως μῦθοι τὰ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν, ἐκεῖθεν ὑμῖν ποιήσω φανερόν. Εἰπέ μοι, ὁ Παῦλος ἐν πενίᾳ ἣν, ἢ ἐν πλούτῳ; ἐλίμωττεν, ἣ οὐκί; Αὐτοῦ ἔστιν ἀκοῦσαι λέγοντος " Ἐν ἁιμῷ καὶ δίψει. Οἱ προφῆτα: ἐλέμωττον, ἣ οὐκί; Κἀκεῖνοι ἀπεδυσπέτουν. Πάλιν Παῦλόν μοι φέρεις, πόλιν τοὺς προφῆτας, δέκα καὶ εἴκοσιν ἀνθρώπους. ᾿Αλλὰ πόθεν βούλει; ᾿Απὸ τῶν πολλῶν, φησὶ, δεῖξόν μοί τινας φέροντας γενναίως. ᾿Αλλὰ τὸ σπάνιον ἀεὶ τοιοῦτον, καὶ ὀλίγοι οἱ καλοί. Εἰ βούλει δὲ, καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐξετάσωμεν. Ἴδωμεν τίνος ἡ φροντὶς μείζων καὶ δριμυτέρα, καὶ τίνος εὐφορωτέρα. Οὐκ ὁ μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀναγκαίας μεριμνᾷ τροφῆς, ὁ δὲ ὑπὲρ μυρίων πραγμάτων ταύτης ἀφέμενος; Οὐ δέδοικεν ὑπὲρ λιμοῦ ὁ πλούσιος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἑτέρων δέδοικε" πολλάκις ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας αὐτῆς. Οὐκ ἔχει τὴν ἀμεριμνίαν τῆς τροφῆς ὁ πένης, ἀλλ᾽ ἔχει τὴν ἑτέραν ἀμεριμνίαν, τὴν ἀσφάλξιαν, τὴν ἡσυχίαν, τὴν ἄδειαν.

Tauta panta ton ᾿Agrippan eis epithyaian exēgeiren akouonta. Kai didōsin ho Phēstos tēn charin, kai ginetas loipon lamproteros ho Paulos. Toiauta, hoper ephēn, hai epidoulai proexenēsan. Ei mē tauta ēn, oudeis an toutōn katēxiōsen akousai autou tōn archontōn, oudeis an meta tosautēs hēsychias kai sigēs. Kai dokei men didatchein kai apologeisthai, dēmēgorei de mallon meta pollēs tēs eutaxias. Mē dē chalepon ti pragma nomisōmen tas ep'- «doulas. “heōs an hesytois mē epidouleuōmen, oudeis hēmin epidouleusai dynēsetai" mallon de epithouleuousi men, ouden de blaptousin, alla kai ōphelousin hēmas ta megista hōste hēmeis heautōn kyrioi kai tou pathein kakōs kai tou mē pathein. Idou diamartyromai kai megalę̄ legō tę̄ phōnę̄ kai salpingos tranoteron, kai ei hēn eph᾽ hypsēlou anadanta boēsai, ouk an psrę̄tēsamēn, hote ton Christianon oudeis anthrōpōn tōn oechountōn tēn gēn blapsai dynēsetai. Kai ti legō, anthrōpōn? Oude autos ho daimōn, ho tyrannos, ho diadēlos, an mē autos heauton adi-chēsę̄ kan hotioun tis hēmas kakon ergasasthai boulēthę̄, matēn peirasetai. Hōsper gar angelon oudeis an blapseien epi gēs onta anthrōpon, oude houtōs anthrōpos anthrōpon. ᾿All᾽ oude auto? heteron blapsai dynēsetai, heōs an hē agathos. Ti oun an touton genoito ison, hotan mēte blathēnai dynētai, mēte blapsai heteron? Touto gar ekeinon ouk elatton, to mē boulesthai blaptein heteron. Ara angelos tis esti kai ϑeǭ homoios. Toioutos gar kai ho Theos" all᾽ ekeinos men physei, houtos de proairesei. Oute oun bladēnai dynatai, oute blapsai heteron. To de, ou dynatai, -mē adynamias nomisę̄s (tounantion gar adynamia)" alla to anendekton legō. Hē gar phytis ekeinē oute bladēs esti dektikē, oute tou adikein heteron" epei kai touto hetera bladē. GAllōs gar heautous ou blaptomen, hē tǭ blaptein heteron, kai «ta meizona tōn hamartēmatōn hēmōn ek tēs eis hēmas adikias houtō ginetai. Hōste kai dia touto ho Christianos ou dynatai blaptesthai, hoti oude blaptein dynatai. Pōs de heterous blaptontes heautous blaptomen, phere kath᾽ hechaston tōn pragmatōn procheirisamenēi ton logon gymnasōmen to legomenon. Psen houtos? ouk heauton proteron? Panti pou dēlon. Tǭ men gar eis chrēmata hē zēmia, autǭ de eis psychēn" kai gar eis apōleian kai eis: kolasin paradidotai tou toioutou hē psychē. Palin phthoneeitō heteros tina oun ho toioutos ēdikēsen? ouk heauton, eipe moi? Toiautē gar hē tēs adikias physis" ton tichtonta prōton blaptei myria, mikra de heteron, mallon de oude mikron blaptei, alla kai ōphelei. ᾿All᾽ ouden axiopipton eirēka. Estō toinyn (malista gar en toutois esti to pan) penēs chrēmata echōn oliga kai tēs anankaias euporōn trophēs, heteros de plousios kai euporos kai pollēn echōn dynamin, kai lamthanetō ta tou penētos loipon kai gymnon poieitō kai paradidotō limǭ, autos de entry phatō tois ex echeinou lēphtheisin adikō-" ho toioutos ou monon ouden auton edlapsen, alla kai ōphelēsen, heauton de ou monon ouk ōphelēsen, alla kai ethlapse. Pōs? Prōton men hypo tou syneidotos mastizomenos tou ponērou, kai kath᾽ hekastēn hēmeran chentoumeno:, kai para pantōn chataginōschomenos" epeita en tǭ melgonti krimati. ᾿All' hoti men houtos blaptetai, dēlon enteuthen katestē" pōs de ōpheleitai ekeinos, eipe. Hoti to kakōs pathein kai pherein gennaiōs, mega kerdos echei" esti gar amartēmatōn lysis to pathein kakōs, esti philosophias gymnasion, esti" aretēs didaskalia. Ixōmen oun tisen kakois, houtos ē ekeino?. ᾿Ekeinos men gar an hē philosophos, gennaiōs oisei" houtos de kath᾽ hekastēn hēmeran en tromǭ estai kai hypopsią" tis oun adikeitai, houtos hē ekeinos? Mythous legeis, phēsin “hotan gar tis mē echę̄ tein, ē proselthōn epaitein kai mē ladę̄, ouki kai tēn psychēn kai to sōma prosapollyei? Mythous sy legeis " egō gar epideiknyō pragmata. Eipe gar moi, oudeis? tōn ploutountōn apodyspetei? Ti oun? mē hē penia aitia toutou? ᾿Alla ou limōttei? Kai ti touto? Meizōn hē dikē, hotan meta ploutou touto poię̄. Oute gar ploutos gennaion poiei, oute asthenē penia" epei oudeis an tōn en ploutǭ zōntōn mochthēron ezē bion, oud' an heautǭ katērasato oudeis tōn en penią. Hote de ontōs mythoi ta par᾽ hymōn, ekeithen hymin poiēsō phaneron. Eipe moi, ho Paulos en penią hēn, ē en ploutǭ? elimōtten, hē ouki? Autou estin akousai legontos " En haimǭ kai dipsei. Hoi prophēta: elemōtton, hē ouki? Kakeinoi apedyspetoun. Palin Paulon moi phereis, polin tous prophētas, deka kai eikosin anthrōpous. ᾿Alla pothen boulei? ᾿Apo tōn pollōn, phēsi, deixon moi tinas pherontas gennaiōs. ᾿Alla to spanion aei toiouton, kai oligoi hoi kaloi. Ei boulei de, kai kath᾽ heauto to pragma exetasōmen. Idōmen tinos hē phrontis meizōn kai drimytera, kai tinos euphorōtera. Ouk ho men hyper tēs anankaias merimną trophēs, ho de hyper myriōn pragmatōn tautēs aphemenos? Ou dedoiken hyper limou ho plousios, all᾽ hyper heterōn dedoike" pollakis hyper sōtērias autēs. Ouk echei tēn amerimnian tēs trophēs ho penēs, all᾽ echei tēn heteran amerimnian, tēn asphalxian, tēn hēsychian, tēn adeian.

All these things stirred Agrippa to a desire as he heard them. And Festus grants the favor, and Paul becomes still more illustrious. Such were the things, as I said, that the plots procured. If these things had not happened, none of these rulers would have deigned to hear him, none with such quiet and silence. And he seems to teach and to make a defense, but he is rather addressing an assembly, with great good order. Let us not, then, think plots a hard thing. As long as we do not plot against ourselves, no one will be able to plot against us; or rather, they do plot, but they do us no harm, but even help us greatly; so that we are masters of ourselves both to suffer ill and not to suffer it. See, I bear witness and say it with a loud voice, clearer than a trumpet, and if it were possible to go up on a height and shout it, I would not refuse: that no one of the people who inhabit the earth will be able to harm the Christian. And why do I say people? Not even the demon himself, the tyrant, the devil, unless the man wrongs himself; and if anyone wishes to do us any evil whatever, he will try in vain. For just as no one could harm an angel, so neither, while he is on earth, can a man harm a man. But neither will he be able to harm another, as long as he is good. What, then, could be equal to this, when one can neither be harmed nor harm another? For this is no less than that, not wanting to harm another. So he is an angel, and like God. For such is God too; but he by nature, this man by choice. So he can neither be harmed nor harm another. And do not think “cannot” a mark of weakness (for the opposite is weakness), but I mean that it is not admitted. For that nature is capable neither of harm nor of wronging another; since this too is another harm. For we harm ourselves in no other way than by harming another; and so the greater of our sins come from the wrong we do to ourselves. So for this reason too the Christian cannot be harmed, because he cannot harm either. How, by harming others, we harm ourselves, come, let us take each matter in turn and exercise our argument on what is said. [Someone has robbed or taken more than his share; whom has] this man [harmed]? Has he not harmed himself first? It is surely plain to everyone. For to the other the loss is in money, but to him it is in his soul; for the soul of such a man is handed over to destruction and punishment. Again, let another envy: whom, then, has such a man wronged? Not himself, tell me? For such is the nature of injustice: it harms the one who gives it birth first in countless ways, but another a little; or rather it does not harm him even a little, but even helps. But I have said nothing persuasive. Let there be, then (for everything turns most of all on such cases), a poor man with a little money, well provided with necessary food, and another, rich and well off and with great power; and let him take the poor man’s goods and strip him and hand him over to hunger, and himself live in luxury on what he took from him unjustly. Such a man has not only done the other no harm, but even helped him; and himself he has not only not helped, but even harmed. How? First, by being scourged by his wicked conscience, and pricked every day, and condemned by everyone; then at the judgment to come. But that this man is harmed has been made clear from this; but how is the other helped, tell me? Because to suffer ill and bear it nobly brings great gain; for suffering ill is a release from sins, it is a training ground of wisdom, it is a school of virtue. Let us see, then, which of the two is in evil case, this man or that? That man, if he is wise, will bear it nobly; but this one will be in trembling and suspicion every day. Who, then, is wronged, this man or that? “You are telling fables,” one says; “for when someone has nothing to eat, or goes to beg and does not receive, does he not lose both soul and body besides?” It is you who tell fables; for I am showing facts. For tell me, does none of the rich lose heart? What then? Is poverty the cause of this? “But he does not go hungry?” And what of that? The penalty is greater when he does this with wealth. For neither does wealth make one noble, nor poverty weak; since otherwise none of those who live in wealth would live a wretched life, nor would any of those in poverty curse himself. That what you say is really fables, I will make plain to you from this. Tell me: was Paul in poverty or in wealth? Did he go hungry or not? You may hear him saying, “In hunger and thirst.” Did the prophets go hungry or not? “They too lost heart.” Again you bring me Paul, again the prophets, ten and twenty men. But from where do you want them? “From the many,” he says, “show me some who bear it nobly.” But the rare is always like this, and the good are few. If you like, let us examine the matter in itself too. Let us see whose care is greater and sharper, and whose is easier to bear. Does not the one worry about necessary food, while the other, letting this go, worries about countless things? The rich man does not fear hunger, but he fears for other things; often for his very life. The poor man does not have freedom from care about food, but he has the other freedom from care: security, quiet, freedom from fear.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

2 Cor 11:27 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Chrysostom teaches that no one, not even the devil, can harm a Christian who does not harm himself, since the wrongdoer injures his own soul while the one wronged gains by suffering nobly, and he compares the cares of rich and poor.

  • Gaps in the scan are marked “…” or bracketed: at the start of the example of the robber (“[Someone has robbed … whom has] this man [harmed]?”), and in the question about the poor (“has nothing to eat”, reading φαγεῖν for the lost word).
  • “In hunger and thirst”: 2 Cor 11:27.
  • “He is an angel, and like God … he by nature, this man by choice”: Chrysostom’s comparison, translated as written.
  • Latin and footnote debris after “Τῷ” and stray marks were removed.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (Latin and footnote debris (repeating words of this section); stray letter): βοῆσαι ἀ, → βοῆσαι,; ἁμαρτημάτων ω ἡμῶν → ἁμαρτημάτων ἡμῶν; Τῷ Β ρρς, διὰ τοῦτο δὲ λέγει, ἀδϑυμ! ἰῃ ὑπὸ οοαΐοα. “Ηδε, ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς αἰτίας. ἀθδυηὶ ἃ ἦν ὑψηλὸν ἀναθάντα βοῆσαι. → Τῷ .

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Chrysostom, Hom. Act. 51.4 (PG 60:316; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/chrysostom-hom-acta/51-4). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Greek as printed in Migne PG 60 (archive.org OCR); each batch then compared with NPNF1 11.

51.5PG 60:316

ἴΛλλως δὲ, εἰ μὴ κακὸν τὸ ἀδικεῖν, ἀλλὰ χαλὸν, διὰ τί αἰσχυνόμεθα; διὰ τί ἐγχαλυπτόμεθα; διὰ τί ὀνε:διζόμε νοι ἀγαναχτοῦμεν καὶ δυσχεραίνομεν; Εἰ μὴ χαλὸν τὸ ἀδικεῖσθαι διὰ τί ἐναδρυνόμεθα καὶ ἐγχαλλωπιζόμεθα τῷ πράγματι, καὶ διχαιολογούμεθα ἐν τούτῳ; μαθεῖν πῶς τοῦτο ἐχείνου βέλτιον; Ὅρα τοὺς ἐν τούτῳ, ὅρα τοὺς ἐν ἐκείνῳ. Διὰ τί νόμοι; διὰ τί δικαστήρια; διὰ τὲ τιμωρίαι; οὐκὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνους ὡς νοσοῦντας καὶ κάμνοντας; ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἡ ἡδονὴ πολλὴ, φησί. Μὴ εἴπωμεν τὰ μέλλοντα - τὰ παρόντα ἐξετάτωμεν, Τί χεῖρον ἀνδρὸς τοιαύτην ἔχοντος ὑποψίαν; τί σφαλερώτερον; τί σαθρότερον; οὐκ ἐν ναναγίῳ διαπαντός ἐστι : Κἂν δίκαιόν τι πράττῃ, οὐ πιστεύεται, ἀπὸ τῆς δυνάμεως χαταδιχαζύμενος παρὰ πάντων’ πάντας γὰρ τοὺς συνοιχοῦντας κατηγόρους ἔχει" οὐ φιλίᾳ χρήσασθαι δύναται - οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἂν ἕλοιτο ταχέως τοιαύτην δόξαν ἔχοντος ἀνθρώπου γενέσθαι φίλος, ὥστε μὴ κοινωνῆσαι αὐτῷ τῆς ὑπολήψεως, Καθάπερ θηρίον, οὕτω πάντες ἀποστρέφονται" καθάπερ λυμεῶνα καὶ ἐχθρὸν καὶ ἀνδροφόνον καὶ τῆς φύσεως πολέμιον, τὸν ἄδικον ἄνθρωπον. Ἂν εἰς δικαστήριον ἐμπέσῃ, οὐδὲ κατηγόρου δεῖται ὁ ἠδιχηχὼς, τῆς ᾿Αλλ οὐκ ὁ ἀδικούμενος οὕτως, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἔχει λείᾳ ἔστηκεν. Εἰ χαλὸν τὸ ἀδικεῖν καὶ ἀσφαλὲς, ὁμο. λογείτω τις εἶναι ἄδικος" εἰ δὲ οὐ τολμᾷ, τί δήποτε ὡς ἀγαθὸν μετέρχεται; Ἴδωμεν δὲ πῶς καὶ ἐν ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς, ἂν γένηται τοῦτο, πόσα γίνεται κακά, Εἰπὲ γάρ μοι, ἄν τι τῶν ἐν ἡμῖν τὸ οἰκεῖον ὑπερδὰν μέτρον τοῦ ἕτέρο. ἐφίηται, καὶ θουληθῇ ἀφεὶς ὁ σπλὴν τὸν οἰκεῖον τόπον λαθεῖν τὸ ἀλλότριον μετὰ τοῦ οἰκείου, οὐκὶ νόσος τοῦτό ἔστι; Τὸ ὑγρὸν πάλιν τὸ ἐν ἡμῖν, ὁ χυμὸς, εἰ πάντα πληρώσει, οὐκὶ ὕδερος τοῦτό ἐστι; Μετ᾿ ἐχείνου ἡ χολὴ πάλιν εὐρυχωρίαν ζητείτω, καὶ πανταχοῦ διαχείσθω τὸ αἷμα. Τί δὲ ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ ὁ θυμὸς, ἡ ἐπιθυμία, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα, ἐὰν ὑπερδῇ τὸ μέτρον, οὐκὶ ἑαυτὸν συνδιέφθειρεν; Οὕτω καὶ ἡ τροφή" ἐὰν ὑπὲρ ὃ δύναται πέπτεσθαι προσληφθῇ, νόσοις τὸ σῶμα περιἐθαλε. Πόθεν γὰρ αἱ ποδαλγίαι; πόθεν αἱ παρέσεις καὶ ὁ χλόνος τοῦ σώματος; ἄρα οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν τροφῶν ἀμετρίας; Πάλιν ἐν τῷ σώματι ἐὰν πλεῖον βουληθῇ λαδεῖν ὁ ὀφθαλμὸς, ἣ πλέον ἰδεῖν τοῦ ὡρισμένου θελήσειεν, ἢ μεῖζον ἀναλάθοι φῶς, ἔδλαψε μᾶλλον ἣ ὠφέλησε τὸ ὑπὲρ μέτρον. Εἰ δὲ ἔνθα ἀγαθόν τι τὸ φῶς ἔστι, ὁ ὁφθαλμὸς εἰ πλέον ἰδεῖν θελήσειεν ἀπόλλυται" ὅταν λαμπρότερον ἴδῃ, ἐννόησον ἐπὶ τοῦ κακοῦ. Ἡ ἀκοὴ ἐὰν μεγάλην δέξηται φωνὴν, ἀπόπληχτος ἣ διάνοια γίνεται " ὁ νοῦς ἐπειδὰν τὰ ὑπὲρ ἑαυτὸν λογίσηται, ἐχπλήττεται, καὶ ὅπερ ἂν πλέον τοῦ δέοντος γένηται, παραπόὄλλυσι. Τοῦτο γὰρ πλεονεξία, πλέον ἔχειν τοῦ ὡρισμένου. Οὕτω δὴ καὶ ἐπὶ χρημάτων, ὅταν βουλώμεθα ἐπιτιθέναι φορτία πλείονα, εἰ καὶ μὴ αἰσθανόμεθα, χαλεπὸν ἐν ξαυτοῖς τρέφομεν τὸ θηρίον, πολλὰ ἔχοντες, πολλῶν δεόμενοι, φροντίσι μυρίαις περιδάλλοντες ἑαυτοὺς, πολλὰς τῷ διαθόλῳ παρέχοντες λαδάς. Διὰ τοῦτο οὐδὲ χρεία καμάτου ἐπὶ τῶν πλουτούντων τῷ διαθόλῳ " ἕτοιμοι γὰρ αὐτῷ πρὸς καταφορὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ πλούτου μάλιστα γίνονται. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπὶ τῶν πενίᾳ συζώντων, ἀλλὰ πᾶν τὸ ἐναντίον. Οὕτως αὐτὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὰ ἀπόλλυσι τὰ πράγματα. Διὸ παρακαλῶ ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς τούτων ἐπιθυμίας, ἵνα δυνηθῶμεν διαδράναι τὰς τοῦ πονηροῦ παγίδας, καὶ ἀρετῆς ἐπιλαθόμενοι τῶν αἰωνίων ἀγαθῶν ἐπιτυχεῖν, χάριτι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, μεθ᾽ οὗ τῷ Πατρὶ, ἅμα τῷ ἁγίῳ Πνεύματι, δόξο, κράτος, τιμὴ, νῦν καὶ ἀεὶ, καὶ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. ᾿Αμήν.

iLllōs de, ei mē kakon to adikein, alla chalon, dia ti aischynometha? dia ti enchalyptometha? dia ti one:dizome noi aganachtoumen kai dyscherainomen? Ei mē chalon to adikeisthai dia ti enadrynometha kai enchallōpizometha tǭ pragmati, kai dichaiologoumetha en toutǭ? mathein pōs touto echeinou beltion? Hora tous en toutǭ, hora tous en ekeinǭ. Dia ti nomoi? dia ti dikastēria? dia te timōriai? ouki di᾽ ekeinous hōs nosountas kai kamnontas? ᾿All᾽ hē hēdonē pollē, phēsi. Mē eipōmen ta mellonta - ta paronta exetatōmen, Ti cheiron andros toiautēn echontos hypopsian? ti sphalerōteron? ti sathroteron? ouk en nanagiǭ diapantos esti : Kan dikaion ti prattę̄, ou pisteuetai, apo tēs dynameōs chatadichazymenos para pantōn’ pantas gar tous synoichountas katēgorous echei" ou philią chrēsasthai dynatai - oudeis gar an heloito tacheōs toiautēn doxan echontos anthrōpou genesthai philos, hōste mē koinōnēsai autǭ tēs hypolēpseōs, Kathaper thērion, houtō pantes apostrephontai" kathaper lymeōna kai echthron kai androphonon kai tēs physeōs polemion, ton adikon anthrōpon. An eis dikastērion empesę̄, oude katēgorou deitai ho ēdichēchōs, tēs ᾿All ouk ho adikoumenos houtōs, alla pantas echei leią estēken. Ei chalon to adikein kai asphales, homo. logeitō tis einai adikos" ei de ou tolmą, ti dēpote hōs agathon meterchetai? Idōmen de pōs kai en hēmin autois, an genētai touto, posa ginetai kaka, Eipe gar moi, an ti tōn en hēmin to oikeion hyperdan metron tou hetero. ephiētai, kai thoulēthę̄ apheis ho splēn ton oikeion topon lathein to allotrion meta tou oikeiou, ouki nosos touto esti? To hygron palin to en hēmin, ho chymos, ei panta plērōsei, ouki hyderos touto esti? Met᾿ echeinou hē cholē palin eurychōrian zēteitō, kai pantachou diacheisthō to haima. Ti de en tę̄ psychę̄ ho thymos, hē epithymia, kai ta alla panta, ean hyperdę̄ to metron, ouki heauton syndiephtheiren? Houtō kai hē trophē" ean hyper ho dynatai peptesthai proslēphthę̄, nosois to sōma periethale. Pothen gar hai podalgiai? pothen hai pareseis kai ho chlonos tou sōmatos? ara ouk apo tēs tōn trophōn ametrias? Palin en tǭ sōmati ean pleion boulēthę̄ ladein ho ophthalmos, hē pleon idein tou hōrismenou thelēseien, ē meizon analathoi phōs, edlapse mallon hē ōphelēse to hyper metron. Ei de entha agathon ti to phōs esti, ho hophthalmos ei pleon idein thelēseien apollytai" hotan lamproteron idę̄, ennoēson epi tou kakou. Hē akoē ean megalēn dexētai phōnēn, apoplēchtos hē dianoia ginetai " ho nous epeidan ta hyper heauton logisētai, echplēttetai, kai hoper an pleon tou deontos genētai, parapoollysi. Touto gar pleonexia, pleon echein tou hōrismenou. Houtō dē kai epi chrēmatōn, hotan boulōmetha epitithenai phortia pleiona, ei kai mē aisthanometha, chalepon en xautois trephomen to thērion, polla echontes, pollōn deomenoi, phrontisi myriais peridallontes heautous, pollas tǭ diatholǭ parechontes ladas. Dia touto oude chreia kamatou epi tōn ploutountōn tǭ diatholǭ " hetoimoi gar autǭ pros kataphoran apo tou ploutou malista ginontai. ᾿All᾽ ouk epi tōn penią syzōntōn, alla pan to enantion. Houtōs auta kath᾽ heauta apollysi ta pragmata. Dio parakalō apechesthai tēs toutōn epithymias, hina dynēthōmen diadranai tas tou ponērou pagidas, kai aretēs epilathomenoi tōn aiōniōn agathōn epitychein, chariti kai philanthrōpią tou Kyriou hēmōn Iēsou Christou, meth᾽ hou tǭ Patri, hama tǭ hagiǭ Pneumati, doxo, kratos, timē, nyn kai aei, kai eis tous aiōnas tōn aiōnōn. ᾿Amēn.

Besides, if doing wrong is not an evil but a good thing, why are we ashamed? Why do we hide our faces? Why, when reproached for it, are we indignant and annoyed? If being wronged is not a good thing, why do we pride ourselves and preen ourselves on it, and make our case from it? [Do you want] to learn how this is better than that? Look at those in the one state, look at those in the other. Why laws? Why courts? Why punishments? Is it not because of those men, as sick and ailing? “But the pleasure is great,” one says. Let us not speak of what is to come; let us examine the present. What is worse than a man under such suspicion? What more precarious? What more rotten? Is he not continually in shipwreck? Even if he does something just, he is not believed, being condemned by everyone on account of his power; for he has all who live with him as accusers. He cannot enjoy friendship; for no one would readily choose to become the friend of a man with such a reputation, so as not to share in the suspicion about him. Everyone turns away from the unjust man as from a beast, as from a destroyer and an enemy and a murderer and a foe of nature. If he falls into court, the wrongdoer does not even need an accuser … But the one who is wronged is not so, but has everyone … he stands in safety. If doing wrong is good and safe, let someone confess that he is unjust; but if he does not dare to, why does he pursue it as a good? And let us see too how many evils arise if this happens within ourselves. For tell me: if one of the things within us oversteps its proper measure and aims at what belongs to another, and the spleen, leaving its own place, wants to take what is foreign along with its own, is this not a disease? Again, the moisture within us, the humor, if it fills everything, is this not dropsy? Along with it let the bile in turn seek more room, and the blood spread everywhere. And in the soul, anger, desire, and all the rest, if they overstep the measure, do they not destroy themselves along with it? So too with food: if more is taken than can be digested, it involves the body in diseases. For where do gout and paralysis and trembling of the body come from? Do they not come from immoderate eating? Again, in the body, if the eye wants to take in more, or wishes to see more than is set for it, or takes in too strong a light, what is beyond measure harms rather than helps. And if, where light is a good thing, the eye that wants to see more is ruined when it sees something too bright, think of the case of evil. If the hearing receives a loud voice, the mind is stunned; the intellect, when it reasons about things beyond itself, is overwhelmed; and whatever exceeds what is needed destroys besides. For this is greed: to have more than what is set. So too with money: when we want to lay on more burdens, even if we do not perceive it, we feed a cruel beast within ourselves, having much, needing much, surrounding ourselves with countless cares, giving the devil many handles. That is why with the rich the devil does not even need to toil; for they are ready for him to overthrow, most of all because of their wealth. But not so with those who live with poverty; it is quite the opposite. So their affairs by themselves destroy them. Therefore I exhort you to abstain from the desire for these things, so that we may be able to escape the snares of the evil one, and, laying hold of virtue, attain the eternal good things, by the grace and love for humankind of our Lord Jesus Christ, with whom to the Father, together with the Holy Spirit, be glory, power, honor, now and always and to the ages of ages. Amen.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Notes and citation

Summary: Chrysostom argues that doing wrong is worse than suffering it, since the unjust man lives in suspicion and isolation, and compares greed to bodily excess that exceeds its measure and destroys itself, closing with an appeal to renounce the desire for wealth.

  • Gaps in the scan are marked “…” or bracketed: “[Do you want] to learn”, and two places in the comparison of the wrongdoer and the wronged in court, where only fragments survive (τῆς … πάντας ἔχει … λείᾳ ἔστηκεν).
  • “Laying hold of virtue” renders ἀρετῆς ἐπιλαβόμενοι; the scan reads ἐπιλαθόμενοι (“forgetting”), taken as an OCR slip.
  • The medical examples (spleen, humors, bile, dropsy) follow the physiology of Chrysostom’s day.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR): χαμάπου → καμάτου.

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Chrysostom, Hom. Act. 51.5 (PG 60:316; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/chrysostom-hom-acta/51-5). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Greek as printed in Migne PG 60 (archive.org OCR); each batch then compared with NPNF1 11.